IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


.Ar. 


1.0 


I.I 


1.25 


Li  128 

■50     "^™ 


12.5 


2.2 


1^  1^ 

m  m 

Z   1^    12.0 


1.4 


1.6 


HiotDgraphic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)  872-4503 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Tschnical  and  Bibliographic  Notas/Notas  tachniquas  at  bibliographiquaa 


Tha  Instituta  has  attamptad  to  obtain  tha  bast 
original  copy  availabia  for  filming.  Faaturas  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  tha  images  in  tha 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


0 


D 
D 
D 


D 
D 


n 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


I      I    Covers  damaged/ 


Couverture  endommagie 

Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaur^  et/ou  peiliculAe 

Cover  title  missing/ 

La  titre  de  couverture  manque 


Coloured  mapa/ 


Cartes  giogruphiques  on  couleur 
I      I    Encra  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  qua  blaue  ou  noire) 

D 


Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encra  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleuc 

Colo'jred  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 
Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 


a 


Bound  with  other  material/ 
Relii  avec  d'autres  documents 

Tight  binding  may  causa  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  re  liure  serrie  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distorsion  ie  long  de  ia  marga  intirieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filmirig/ 
II  se  peut  que  certainea  pages  blanches  ajouties 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  la  text*, 
mais.  lorsque  cela  ttait  possible,  cas  pages  n'ont 
pas  itt  filmtes. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppl^nsentairas; 


The 
to  tr 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  la  meilteur  examplairs 
qu'il  lui  a  itt  possible  d«)  se  procurer.  Las  details 
de  cet  axamplaire  qui  sont  paut-dtre  uniques  du 
point  da  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  sxiger  una 
modification  dans  la  m^thoda  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiqute  ci-dessous. 


□   Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 

□    Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagies 

r~~]    Paget  restored  and/or  laminated/ 


D 


Pages  restaurdes  et/ou  pelliculdes 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxai 
Pages  d^color^es,  tarheties  ou  piqu^es 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  ditachies 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 

Quality  of  prir 

Qualiti  inigala  de  I'imprassion 

Includes  supplementary  materii 
Comprend  du  materiel  suppl4mentaire 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 


r~~|  Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 

I      I  Pages  detached/ 

r~7|  Showthrough/ 

I      I  Quality  of  print  varies/ 

r~l  Includes  supplementary  material/ 

pn  Only  edition  available/ 


The 
post 
of  tl 
filml 


Grig 

begl 

the 

sion 

othf 

first 

sion 

oril 


The 
shal 
TINI 
whii 

Mar 
difff 
enti 
begi 
righ 
reqi 
met 


Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc..  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  p~ges  totaiement  ou  partieilement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata.  une  pelure, 
4ic.,  ont  itib  filmies  i  nouveau  de  fapon  d 
cbtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


Thiv  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  filmA  au  taux  de  rMuction  indiquA  ci-dessnus. 


10X 

14X 

18X 

22X 

26X 

30X 

7 

.„i -, 

12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


3P.X 


The  copy  filmad  her*  has  b««n  r«produc«d  thanks 
to  the  generosity  of: 

Douglas  Library 
Queen's  University 


L'exempiaire  fiimi  f ut  reproduit  grice  k  la 
gAnArositi  de: 

Douglas  Library 
Queen's  University 


The  imeges  appearing  here  are  the  best  quellty 
possible  considering  the  condition  end  ieglbility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  Iceeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


Les  images  suivantes  ont  6t4  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  at 
de  la  nettetA  de  l'exempiaire  filmA,  et  en 
eonformitt  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmaga. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrsted  impres- 
sion, or  the  bacic  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  pege  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion^  and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimte  sont  fllmte  en  commenpant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
dernlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  selon  le  ces.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  fitmto  en  commenpant  par  la 
premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  dernlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  — ^> (meaning  'CON- 
TINUED "),  or  the  symbol  y  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 

Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  Included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Un  dee  symboles  suivants  apparaltra  sur  la 
derniAre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symboie  -^  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 

Les  cartes,  pienches.  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
fllmAs  k  dee  taux  de  reduction  diff Arents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  dtre 
reproduit  en  un  seui  clich6,  il  est  film6  A  psrtir 
de  Van^jie  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  nAcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mithode. 


1  2  3 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

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wBlijiiiui )  I.    I    ii.iiiMiJ' 


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*     * 


ADVERTISEMENT. 


ir'i 


r.  -•.■ 


THE  first  part  of  this  Pamphlet  was  written,  and  partly  sent 
to  press,  soon  after  the  ruin  of  the  Prussian  army  was  certainly 
known  in  England,  and  when  we  supposed  ourselves  to  be  again  left 
alone  in  the  war ;  a  conjuncture,  at  which  the  feelings  of  the  Public, 
as  to  the  perils  oi^our  situation,  were  probably  much  more  in  unison 
than  now,  with  those  of  the  Author.  At  present,  perhaps,  a  propo- 
sition which  he  has  assumed,  viz.  that  the  danger  of  an  invasion^ 
though  very  indistinctly  and  inadequately  conceived,  is'tt^niversally 
admitted  to  exist,  may  be  far  from  the  truth.  But  he  deems  it,  on 
this  account,  only  the  more  necessary  to  raise  his  feeble  voice 
against  the  indifference  and  supineness  which  prevail  in  regard  to 
our  public  defence ;  since  the  apprehension  of  immediate  danger  no 
longer  tends  to  correct  these  faults,  and  thfy  may,  by  a  false  sense 
of  security,  be  fatally  confirmed. 

May  the  next  news  from  the  seat  of  continental  war,  be  of  a  kind 
to  diminish  further  the  apparent  importance  of  his  labours?  But,  in 
his  estimate,  our  danger  from  the  power  of  France  was  never  more 
serious  and  imminent  than  at  the  present  moment. 


,* 


^;''i'>''* 


#    r*"  Jpnuary  21,  1807. 


173012 


#'« 


I 


m 


tJF 


■<■ 


■'!-   ,<• 


w 


"^F  ■'IF"", 


THE 


DANGERS  OF  THE  COUIfTRY. 


^ect.  1,   We  mat/  be  conquered  by  France. 


IN  the  revolutions  which  overthrow  the  powef  and  the  inde- 
pendency of  nations,  there  is  nothing  more  astonishing  than  the 
extreme  improvidence  which  sometimes  prepares  their  fell.  Let 
us  mark  in  the  page  of  history  the  periods  which  immediately  pre- 
ceded the  Wibjugation  of  Greece,  by  Philip  and  Alexander,  th« 
dreadful  overthrow  of  Carthage,  by  Rome,  and  of  Rome  herself  by 
the  Barbarians,  and  we  shall  perceive  that  their  fate  was  long  verj^ 
visibly  approaching,  that  it  might  probably  have  been  averted  bf 
vigour  and  prudence,  but  that  the  devoted  nations  strangely  neglected 
the  obvious  means  of  self>preservation,  till  the  opportunity  of  using 
them  was  lost. 

How  deplorably  does  the  age  w«  live  in  abound  with  simUav 
cases ! 

Nations,  however,  like  individuals,  seem  rar  -  if  ever,  to  take^ 
warning  from  the  fatal  errore  of  each  other.  Such  ipsdom  is  indeed 
cheaply  bought,  but  not  so  cheaply  reduced  into  practice;  for  tha 
measures  of  prevendve  prudence  generally  demand  some  renuncia- 
tion of  present  ease,  or  apparent  advantage.  It  is  easy  to  see  what 
timely  sacrifices  others  should  have  made  to  avoid  impending  nrin. 
It  is  not  so  easy  to  make  those  necessary  sacrifices  ourselves. 

Besides,  there  seems  to  be  an  unaccouiMable  prejudice,  a  sense 
of  inextinguishable  vitality,  in  the  body  politic  as  wdtt  as  natural, 
.  whichj:heatB  us  into  a  persuasion,  that  whateifr  may  fal^e  bef^le.n 
ethers  in  similar  circumstances,  our  own  existence  is  sectJit. 

"  All  men  think  a!!  men  moitiu  but  themscivcs.^ 

It, 

The  same  may  bf  said  of  nations;  and  the  delusiop|ieThaps  is  sfif^ 
.«trong«rwiti|  them,  than  with  individqala. 


w^"^ 


H: 


I 


II  bcems  impossible  upon  anjr  other  principles  than  these*  to  ac* 
count  for  the  apathy  of  the  British  public  at  the  present  most  tre- 
mtndous  crisis.  The  torrent  of  French  ambition,  has  now  washed 
away  every  mound  that  opposed  it  on  the  continent  We  stand  as 
on  a  little  spot  of  elevated  ground,  surrounded  withinundaUons;  and 
while  the  waters  are  still  rising  on  every  side,  and  rapidly  under- 
mining our  base,  wfr  look  c^^with  atupid.iii^Qerenc^  or  torpid 
inactivity,  heedless  of  the  means  by  which  safety  might  be  still 
'attained. 

These  strictures  I  hope  are  not  now  applicable  to  those  with 
whom  the  government  of  the  country  is  intrusted.— Measures  are 
probably  preparing  in  the  cabinet  such  as  our  perilous  situation 
demands :  but  the  people  at  large  are  not  sufficiently  awake  to  the 
tremendous  evils  which  menace  them,  and  the  duties  to%hich  they 
are  called. 

A  sufficient  proof  of  this  might  be  found  in  the  spirit  of  personal 
and  party  rivalship,  ^^which  has  abounded  in  our  late  parliamentary 
elections,  and  that  exclusive  attention  which  they  excited  through" 
out  the  country  at  large.  -> ••  > 

Never  in  the  present  rdgn  did  the  choice  of  a  new  parliament 
produce  a  greater  number  of  obstinate  contests,  and  never  were  im* 
portant  national  questions  less  generally  involved  in  the  rivaldliip  of 
contending  caitdidates ;  yet  when  has  the  public  mind  been  more 
closely  intent  on  the  concerns  of  a  general  election  ?  It  must  have 
been  obvious  to  every  calm  observer,  that  the  combats  of  the  hust- 
ings had  more,  interest  than  the  battles  in  Saxony,  that  the  state  of 
the  poll  was  the  subject  of  more  anxiety  than  the  advance  of  the 
Russians,  and  the  subversions  of  thrones,  events  of  less  concern  than 
thelpejection  of  a  favourite  candidate. 

Could  this  disposition  be  resolved  into  a  magnanimous  contempt 
of  danger,  it  might  perhaps  be  deemed  a  feature  of  national  charac- 
tsi*  fey  ho  means  of  evil  omen.  The  Spartans,  on  the  eve  of  the 
battle  of  Thermopylxj  were  seen  combing  their  long  hair,  and  in- 
d^ging  in  their  usual  amusements.  But  this  construction  of  the 
public  feelings,  though  complimentary,  would  not  be  just.  The 
dangers  of  the  country!  fear  have  not  been  so  much  despised,  as 
forgotten  j.  wid  the  patiiotic  emotions  which  the  ewijuncture  iwight 
to  inspirejtfeave  bee#8uperscded  by  the  nearer  interest  (^  borough 
or  provincial  politics. 

This,  however;  is  by  no  means  the  only  indication  of  popular 
jpsensibility  to  the  present  dangers  of  the  country. 
'  Have  pridi,  dissipation,  or  luxury,  contracted  iiaii^  degree  their 


1> 


mfimmm 


8.  ■  •       .  ■ 

accustowed  range,  or  are  their  tourics  less  intent  th«n  before  on 
fheir  favourite  pleasures  ?  Has  the  civil  war  of  parties  been  sus- 
pended ;  or  have  we  in  earnest  begun  to  make  our  peace  with  a 
0jaatising  Providence,  by  religious  and  moral  reformation  ? 
.  The  nation^  of  antiquity,  while  they  possessed  their  freedom, 
^t  true  source  of  patriotic  feeling,  were  neither  too  gay  to  mourn, 
too  luxurious  to  retrench,  too  factious  to  unite,  nor  too  proud  to 
fepent  and  pray,  in  seasons  of  public  danger.  A  situation  like,  ou: 
9wn,  at  Sparta,  at  Athens,  or  at  Rome,  in  their  best  days,  would 
have  been  marked  by  gravity  and  mourning,  by  a  suspension  of 
civil  feuds,  by  an  emulation  in  every  species  of  private  sacrifice  to 
tihe  pubUc  service,  and  by  such  propitiations  as  their -religion  taught 
them  to  offer,  to  their  offended  gods.  The  most  distant  danger 
from  a  foKign  enemy,  united  every  Roman  in  a  generous  wlf- 
devotion  to  the  stete.  The  rich  remitted  their  exactions,  the  poor 
renounced  their  complaints  j  the  patrician  forgot  hb  pride,  the  ple- 
beian his  factious  discontent,  the  tribune  his  mob-importarce,  the 
senators  their  mutual  discord.  If  the  assault  or  defiance  of  an  ene- 
my  fcund  them  in  the  heat  of  dvil  cominotions,  it  in  a  moment  put 
an  eod  to  the  strife  j  If  the  people  were  drawn  up  by  their  dema- 
gogues on  the  Mona  aaeevy  their  citadel  of  s^ition,  they  descended 
without  delay  to  the  Camfiua  Martitu^  and  crowded  to  be  enrolled  for 
the  miUtary  service  of  their  countr. . 

We  admire  this  spirit ;  we  perceive  in  it  one  great  cai^se  of  the 
teng  conservation  of  Roman  freedom,  and  an  essential  basis  of  R6- 
vassi  greatness.— -Yet  what  have  Romans,  Grecians,  or  any  other 
people  ancient  or  modem,  had  to  attach  them  to  their  county,  com- 
{»red  with  the  social  blessings  of  these  much  favoured  islands!  The 
sun,  in  six  thousand  years,  has  beheld  no  human  beings  so  happ^  in 
their  civil  condition  as  ourselves ;  has  enlightened  n^  land  which  it» 
inhabitants  had  so  vast  an  interest  in^defending  as  Great  Brit&in.    * 

Whence  then  that  indifference,  that  stnuige  defect  at  least  of 
patriotic  zeal  and  exerticm,  -ytnich  marks  this  arduous  cri&ns  ? 

It  cannot  be  the  effect,  of  a  rational  confidence  in  our  security, 
for  who  is  t^ere  now  that  does  not  admit  the  countrjr  to  be  in  dan- 

„>  The  absurd  opinion  that  England  cannot  be  inva^  wMIe  we 
have  an  invindble  fleet,  is  now  rejected  by  eveiy  intellig^t  man,  a^ 
it  always  was  by  men  of  nautical  knowledge  ;  and  the  government 

tions  for  our  interior  defence^  that  a  powerM  descen^  on  our  shor^ 
ie>  no  impos^ble  efea(. 


%^f 


Wm' 


I 


0 


ThoM  wh«  formerlf  thought  such  m  enterprise  imprtctiodde* 
mutt  have  retted  their  opinion  on  the  extreme  depreM^on  t^  thcr 
Frmch  marine.  But  from  this  etllc  it  has  already  begun  to  reco< 
Ter,  and  diere  can  be  no  doubt  that  unl^s  the  enemy  should  be  raik 
eiKAigh  to  expose  himself  to  iwir  Trafidgars,  his  navy  will  rapidljr 
encrease.  When  we  consider  the  large  acquisitions  of  ships  of  all 
kinds,  of  naval  magazines,  of  forests  ripe  for  the  axe,  of  excellent 
docks,  and  harbours,  and  even  of  able  seamen,  which  France  has 
unhappily  made  by  conquest  during  the  two  last  campaigns ;  vnd' 
when  we  regard  her  as  mistress  of  all  the  coasts  of  continental  Eu- 
rope, from  the  bottom  of  the  Adriatic  gulf  to  the  straits  of  Gibraltar, 
and  from  Cape  Finisterre  to  ihc  Baltic,  it  would  be  idle  indeed  t« 
suppose  that  the  disparity  of  her  naval  power  to  that  of  the  British 
blands,  will  long  condnue  to  be  great. 

But  even  a  very  inferior  .leet  to  our  own,  might  as  I  shall  here* 
after  shew,  give  her  ample  means  of  invasion. 

That  an  invading  army  would  infallibly  be  repelled  by  the  force 
ve  at  present  possess  on  shore,  is  a  persuasion  that  may  still  be  too 
general,  yet  can  hardly  new  maintain  its  ground  in  well  informed 
and  considerate  roinda.--^It  must  at  least  be  greatly  weakened,  if 
not  removed,  by  the  late  tremendous  events  on  the  continent. 

Arc  we  proudly  confident  in  our  military  prowess  ?  So  were 
the  renowned  battalions  of  Frederick  the  Great.-— The  Prussians 
marched  from  Berlin  as  to  a  certain  triumph.  Intelligent  English 
gentlemen  who  were  there  at  the  moment,  declare  that  the  general 
confidence  was  extreme ;  that  it  was  imposuble  to  make  the  most 
rational  Prussians  with  whom  they  conversed,  admit  a  doulrt  of  the 
victorious  amUes  of  France  being  defeated  by  the  Prusalan  tactics ; 
and  that  to  suggest  any  uneasiness  on  the  subject,  was  regarded  as 
|frepost»rou8  It  least,  if  not  insidting. 

Yet  where  is  now  that  mighty  army  that  was  drawn  up  by  the 
veteran  generals  of  Prussia  in  the  plain  of  Auerstadt  ?  Dispersed, 
as  with  the  impetuous  breach  of  a  whiriwind,  or  rather  the  blast  rf 
an  explosion,  its  scattered  fragments  ware  soon  to  be  found  only  on 
the  shores  of  the  Baltic ;  and  even  there  were  gatht^red  up  by  its 
enemies. 

The  mendacious  vanity  of  the  victors  ?  ere  found  no  place  for  ex- 
aggeration. It  was  strict  truth  to  say  that  a  late  mighty  monarch, 
flying  from  the  throne  of  his  ancestors  across  the  Oder  and  the  Vw- 
tula,  carried  with  him  only  a  handful  of  guards  from  the  great  army 
vrhich  he  lately  commanded,  and  that  with  this  excepticm,  not  a  man 
of  that  vast  host^  escaped.    Neither  the  defeat  off  Darius  at  Arfa«Ia, 


m 


.-       •    ^ 

or  any  other  victory  by  whkh  erojrfres  have  been  overthrown,  wae 
fa  this  respect  half  »o  disastrous. 

Where  has  since  been  found  the  proper  reserve  of  regulars,  or 

of  citizens  in  arms  to  renair  thia  mi«<n<<*im«  ?  i  ib^*  »k.  ^ e  n 

hernia  and  Hungary,  after  the  defieats  at  Ulm  and  Austerliti,  such 
forces  have  not  been  ready  to  talie  the  field  in  time,  either  to  stem 
the  tide  of  conquest,  or  make  a  new  stand  for  their  country  ?  Prussia, 
lilie  Austria,  neglected,  alas!  to  call  forth  the  spirit,  and  prepare  th«. 
defensive  energies  of  the  people  till  the  important  opportunity  wa« 
lost. 

If  examples  like  these  cannot  open  the  eyes  and  excite  the  ap- 
prehensions of  England;  if  she  can  sdll  repose  on  an  array,  hardly 
recruited  so  fast  as  it  is  exhausted  by  colonial  service,  and  upon 
volunteers,  which  from  eyisting  defects  in  their  constitution  are  de- 
clining in  numbers  and  discipline  every  hour,  it  must  be  from  an  in- 
fatuatbn  against  which  it  would  be  idle  to  reason. 

But  the  truth  is,  that  the  national  slumber  proceeds  les»  from  a 
rash  confidence,  than  from  inattention  to  the  terrible  nature  of  the 
events  with  which  we  are  visibly  threatened. 

There  are  objects  of  apprehension  so  dreadful  in  their  gcneial 
suspect,  that  we  rarely  give  ourselves  the  pain  to  examine  them  stea- 
dily enough  to  contemplate  their  particular  features.  Much  less  do 
we  anticipate  with  a  disUnct  foresight,  the  conseqitences  which  they 
are  known  to  involve. 

Of  thb  kind,  is  the  approaching  death  of  a  beloved  wife  or  hus- 
band. The  heart  recoils  at  the  idea  of  such  an  event  in  the  abstract, 
and  we  shut  our  eyes  to  all  its  concomitant  horrors.  The  sight  of 
long  protracted  agonies,  in  a  frame  endeared  to  us  by  a  thousand 
tender  recollections,  the  plaintive  eye  imploring  from  us  unavailing 
pity,  the  tears  of  children  surrounding  the  bed  of  pain  and  death,  the 
last  fond  and  sad  adieu  to  them  and  to  ourselves,  the  ghastly  linea- 
msnts  of  death  on  a  face  which  had  long  used  to  beam  upon  us  with 
intelligence,  sensibility,  and  lovej  these,  and  many  other  sad  accom- 
paniments of  the  loss,  are  unimagincd  till  they  are  felt;  nor  are  the 
cheerless  hours  of  widowhood  that  succeed,  the  ^oom  that  long 
broods  over  the  once  cheerful  family  table,  and  winter  fireside,  the 
gall  that  now  mingles  with  aU  the  wonted  sweets  of  parental  affection, 
the  black  cloud  with  which  recollection  suddeuly  arid  cnjelly  darken* 
the  brief  occasional  sunshine  of  the  mind,  sulajjects  of  anticipated 
pain. 

The  same,  I  conceive,  is  the  case  in  the  public  mind  at  this  junc* 
ture,in  respect  ©f  those  possible  and  dreadful  cvenl«,  our  being  ior 

.    .  .«^ 


master,  strangcii  even  to  the  ordinary  miseries  vrhich  beltmg  to  « 
Btate  of  vr9T  In  roiintries  which  ar»  the  theatres  of  its  horrors,  we 
have  indeed  some  dread  of  those  events,  but  it  is  a  vague  and  indefi> 
nite  apprehcaaion.  We  do  not  distmguish  the  many  specific  evils 
whidi  would  make  up  the  aggregate  disaster  of  jch  a  conquest ; 
much  less  do  we  look  forward  to  the  miseries  that  would  unquestion- 
jRbly  foUpw, 

'  V  ivj  would  endeavour  therefore  to  supply  in  some  measure  the  de- 
fects of  these  loose  conceptions,  to  analyze  the  tremendous  mischief 
which  is  possibly  impending  over  us,  to  exhibit  some  of  its  calami- 
tous elements,  and  point  out  the  exquisite  wretchedness  which  it 
trould  entail  upon  my  country.  We  must  unavoidably  be  soon  call- 
ed upon  for  "ery  great  and  very  painful  sacrifices,  in  order  to  avert 
the  national  ruin  with  which  we  ai-e  menaced  by  the  power  of 
France.  Let  us  fairly  examine  then  the  impending  evil,  that  we 
may  be  reconciled  to  the  unpleasant  means  by  whicli  alone  it  can  be 
•verted. 


'feff/.  2.   The  effects  f^mch  a  c6n(/uesf.~—UsurJiiition  or  destruction  qf 

■  ■  ■'■■:     the  thvone. 


4H 


It  is  needless  to  insist  much  on  that  ordinaiy,  and  most  promi- 
nent feature,  in  the  revolutions  of  kingdoms  by  conquest,  the  transfer 
of  the  royal  power,  from  a  hatiiw  io  a  foreign  monarch.  It  is  an  evil 
which  the  loyalty  of  my  countrymen,  and  their  affection  to  the  best 
of  sovereigns,  will  sufficiently  appreciate. 

If  the  ruthless  Napoleon  has  ever  spared  for  a  whSe,  a  prince 
whom  he  had  power  to  depose,  it  has  been  from  motives  of  polky 
which  would  find  no  place  in  England.  He  may  safely  trust  b  legi* 
,  timate  monarch  to  wield  for  a  while  a  feeble  and  tarnished  sceptre 
on  the  continent,  while  bis  doniinions,  reduced  in  extent,  stripped  of 
their  host  interior  resources-  and  deprived  of  every  outwork  that  can 
guard  them  fVom  invasion,  are  in  ho  condition  to  oppose  his  ulterior 
projects.  It  may  even  serve  his  purposes,  to  make  these  degraded 
sovereigns  instruments  of  his  rapacity,  in  exacting  &r  his  use  ccm- 
tributions  from  their  wretched  subjects;  as  well  as  involuntary  mi- 
nisters to  his  ambition,  in  the  further  extension  of  his  conquests. 
When  rendered  by  such  means,  hateful  to  their  subjects,  and  to  their 
neighbours,  they  may  be  more  safely  commanded  to  descend  from 
thisir  tlirones,  and  make  room  for  some  upstart  succesKir.  He  seems 
even  to  have  a^ruel  pleasure  in  this  course  of  proceeding  %  as  the 


-.ge.  ^^,  „  „iu.  .„  «w«Hi»r>*,  vreum,  and  apparenuy  «nioys  its  dread- 
ful suspense,  jMrior  to  it*.  fi»al  destruction.  . 
-    But  should  thU  subverter  of  empires  ever  lw:ome  inaatep  of 
England,  the  uluatrious  house  of  Hanover  will  have  no  such  pro. 
tooted  toitnents,  nor  any  p^aivocal  fate.    Our  island  is  not  capable 
of  a  secure  or  ccmvenient  partition  among  his  satelUtes.    Them  are 
nocOTquests  beyond  us,  to  which  England,  Uke  Holland  or  Saxony, 
mayfurmshjunderanominalindependency,  a  safe  and  convenient 
scaffold.    And,  what  is  more  decisive,  the  natural  bulwarks  of  Eng- 
land  cannot  be  wtmoved.     The  straits  of  Dover  cannot,  like  the  for- 
tresses on  the  Rhine,  or  the  pasees  of  the  T.y«>l,  be  annexed  to  a 
hosule  states  and  the  popularity  of  our  helmed  sovereign*  would  stiU 
mere  effectually  secure  his  fall}  ior  he  has  a  throne  in  th^  hearts  of 
his  subjects  that  a  conqueror  could  not  subt^ert. 
-S^  Perhaps  in  consideration  of  our  raaridme  fame,  we  might  be 
honoured  with  the  gift  of  the  imperial  admiral  Jerome  Bonafiarte,  as 
our  new  sovereign  lord;  and  hs  might  even  deign  to  accept  the  hand 
of  some  female  descendant  of  the  princess  Sophia,  in  order  to  plant  a 
n«w  dynasty,  on  something  like  hereditary  right.    Nor  is  it  impoa- 
sible  that  the  male  branches  of  that  Ulustrioua  house,  might  soon  be 
so  disposed  of,  as  to  leave  none  who  could  dispute  the  legality  of 
the  marriage,  or  of  any  Utle  founded  upon  it;    England  has  no  Salic 
law;  the  usurper  is  not  scrupulous  in  his  mean8,.and  be  has  shewn 
that  he  knows  the  value  of  that  hereditary  right  upon  which  ha  has 
80  violently  trampled. 

-  I  must  admit,  however,  that  it  i*  more  probable  we  sliould  notte 
trusted  with  any  shew  of  national  independence;  but  be  either  re- 
duced avowedly  into  the  form  of  a  province,  or  honoured  with  the 
name  of  a  department. .  If  the  choice  6f  the  French  people  had  any 
weight,  such  would  of  course  be  our  destiny ;  sinqe  our  insular  situa- 
tioft  and  maritime  character,  might  soon  convert  a  nominal,  into  a 
real  independence.— Rome  did  not  think  herself  safe,  whi^e  Carthage' 
had  walls  or  foundations. 

I  leave  these  prospects  without  remark  to  a  spirited  and  loyal 
people.  True  loyalty,  like  k>ve,  is  too  delicate  to  admit  of  excite- 
meat  or  expostulation,  unless  from  the  object  of  its  attachment. 


Sect.  3. 


Overt/trow  qftlic  Conatitutu.n. 


^  What  shallj  say  of  the  subversion  of  that  glorious  fabric  the 
British  consdtution  I  We  have  be^n  ktely  exercising  the  elective 
iianchise,  and  if.th^  spirit  of  our  contests  for  repres^n|^¥e%i»  pau- 


s 


liament)  at  this  arduous  crisis,  has  in  some  instances  deaervipd 
repnx^  at  leaM  we  must  admire  that  perfect  freedom  olcluitCff 
'  mrhicli  to  many-  have  been  able  to  exercise.    Whether^more  of  that 
fi«edom  is  s£^ely  attainable  than  the  present  scheme  of  representation 
affords,  is  a  <|ucstion  wluch  it  would  be  impertinent  to  discuss  in  these 
sheets,  kior  is  this  a  proper  season  for  such  discussions.    It  is  not 
when  the  ship  labours  in  the  tempest,  and  when  breakers  are  und^r 
her  lee,  that  you  would  set  about  an  alteration  kt  her  ciU»ii»,,9r 
even  think  of  repairing  her  helm.    It  is  easy  to  find  faults  in  every- 
thing human ;  but  when  in  danger  of  losing  what  we  love,  we  think 
not  of  its  faults,  but  of  its  value.    He  that  really  loves  Britisli  liberty, 
«ti)erefore  will  now  be  disposed  to  forgot  for  a  wliile  what  I^  may 
^em  imperfect  in  it, and  reflect  with  fond  anxiety  onits  inestimable 
worth. 

'  What  nobler  civil  exhibition  did  earth  ever  afford  than  the  iplec- 
tion  of  a  British  House  of  Commons!  A  whole  people,  not  in.  a 
rude  state,  or  while  few  in  number,  but  when  forming  a  mighty  na- 
tion, great  in  anna,  great  in  civilization,  commerce,  and  wealth, 
freely  assemble  in  their  various  districts  to  choose  their  own  le^s- 
^tors,  the  organs  of  their  will,  the  delegates  of  their  authority,  the 
guardians  of  their  rights.  If  influence  be  used  by  the  existing  ad- 
'ministration,  what  is  the  administration  but  a  power,  which  the 
attachment  of  former  representatives  of  the  people,  as  m^ch  perhaps 
as  the  choice  of  the  sovereign,  has  created  or  upheld  ?  Influence  too 
is  used  in  an  opposite  direction,  not  perhaps  with  less  zeal  or  effeet. 
Man  is  not  made  universally  to  wzt  in  society-  from  purely  spontiineous 
motives.  But  force,  brute  force,  that  engine  of  usurped  authority, 
*hat  instrument  of  almost  evei^  t^her  human  government,  however 
legitimate,  in  matters  that  concern  the  state,  is  driven  from  the  hal- 
lowed precincts  of  our  elective  freedom,  like  a  demon  from  conse- 
crated grounu.  The  ordinary  instruments  of  monarchical  power, 
the  military,  though  here  never  employed  but  in  subservience  to,  and 
at  the  requisition  of  tlie  lat.'s,  are  forbidden  to  approach  the  place 
'Iwhere  these  high  franchises  aie  exercised,  lest  even  the  shadow  of 
constraint  shoid  seem  to  diminish  their  lustre. 

Would  French  conquest  leave  us  such  lUierties  to  boast?  Let  us 
look  to  Sviritzerland,  to  Holland,  to  France  herself,  for  an  answer  to 
that  question. 

The  freedom  of  our  constitution,  mortifying  and  opprobrious  in 

115  VAaiupio   iu    X  toiiCiiiiKjit,    io   iiic   inol   ui    uUi    uic»iuu|p»    iuai    ific 

usurper  would  consent  to  spare.    To  subvert  this  freedom,  by  the 
inviting  image  of  which  his  throne  is  perpetually  endangered,  ii^ 


Miai    itiCT 


. .  I^e  object  of  his  arms.  He  would  rather  by  far,  leave  us  our  poU- 
^cal  independency,  and  our  commerce,  than  our  civil  institutions. 
%>  I  dare  not  venture  however  to  affirm,  that  we  should  have  no 
libre  parliaments.  It  is  his  policy  to  retain  the  nune  of  cveiy 
sacred  establishme^^,  the  s|Hrit  and  use  of  which  he  takes  «wi^: 
and  we  should  probably  therefore,  in  losing  the  substance  of  parlia- 
mentary representation,  be  insulted  with  its  empty  form. 
%  I  am  not  sure  even  that  we  should  not  have  mock  contested  elec- 
tbns:  the  mummery  of  Garret  Green  might  be  transferred  to 
Goveitt  Garden  or  Guildhall.  But  woe  to  those  electors,  or  to  tl»at 
populace  which  should  be  simple  enough  to  suppose  that  the  return 
of  members  was  imleed  submitted  to  their  choice.  A  vote  against 
the  nominee  of  the  court,  or  a  hiss  at  the  Frenchified  hireling,  woukl 
fat^ly  mark  the  disaffection  of  its  author,  and  ere  long  he  wool4 
have  leisure  in  a  dungeon  to  bewail  bis  temerity  and  folly.  . 

Sect,  4.     Subversion  of  our  Ldberty  and  Laws, 

Our  fi-eedom  of  chdce,  however,  and  our  elective  franchises  in 
fenci'al,  are  rather  buttresses  of  civil  liberty,  than  the  happy  edifice 
iteelf.  That  inestimable  blessing,  chiefly  consists,  in  the  supremacy 
of  known  and  equal  laws,  in  theu'  upright  administration,  and  in  the 
security  of  the  mdividual,  against  the  oppression  of  the  civil  magis- 
tt-a's,  or  the  state. 

And  here,  what  people  ever  bad  so  much  to  lose,  as  the  inha- 
bitants of  this  fevoured  land ! 

When  I  enter  that  veneraU^pl  which  for  many  centuries  his 
been  the  seat  of  our  superior  tribunals,  and  contemplate  the  character 
of  the  courts  which  are  busily  exercising  their  several  jurisdictiona 
ground  it,  I  am  ahfnost  tempted  to  forget  the  frailty  of  man,  and  the 
imperfection  of  his  noblest  works.  There,  justice  supported  by 
Kberty  and  honour,  sits  enthroned  as  in  her  temple,  elevated  for 
above  the  region  of  all  ignoble  passions.  There,  jwUciaV  character 
is  BO  strongly  guarded  by  ages  of  fair  example,  by  public  confidence, 
by  conscious  inc'ependence,  mkI  dignity  of  suUoo,  that  it  is  scarcely 
^virtue  to  be  just.  There,  the  human  intellect  nourished  by  the 
morning  dew  of  industry,  and  warmed  by  manly  emulation,  puts 
forth  its  most  vigorous  shoots,  and  conseci-ates  tliem  to  the  noblest  of 
ail  sublunary  ends. 

.If  the  rude  emblems  of  heavetUy  intell^iKe  with  which  our 
pious  ancestors  have  adorned  that  jpj^^c  j^^^ 


had  looked  (^'own  upon  an  administration  of  justice,  advancing  pro« 
gfCiiifet) ,  aom  the  days  of  our  Henries,  at  least,  in  corPectnessy 
KberaMtf ,  ^piority,  and  independence,  till  it  has  arrived  at  a  degree  of 
][^»rfection,  never  before  witnessed  up<Mi  earth,  and  sucli  as  the  chiK 
4nhi  of  Adam  are  n'^t  likely  ever  to  surpass. 

Tliis  blessing,  the  lEairest  offspring  of  freedom,  or  rather  k»  ' 
purest  essence,  may  like  all  other  advantages,  be  undervaHied  by 
dJose  who  have  always  enjoyed  it,  and  know  only  by  report  the  evils  • 
*f  a  different  lot.  But  those  Englishmen  who  have  travelled  fi«* 
enough,  to  see  ignorance,  prejudice,  servility,  and  oppression,  in  the 
seat  of  justice,  know  how  to  appreciate  and  admire  the  tiibunais  of 
flieir  native  land. 

4^  Nor  is  the  protecting  power  of  our  supeiior  courts  less  distin-s 

g;ui8hed  than  their  purity.    In  what  other  realm  can  an  indepen^ 

dent  judge,  deliver  him  whom  the  government  has  consigned  to  the 

darkness  of  a  dungecm?     Where  else  is  the  sword  of  the  state 

chained  to  its  scabbard,  till  difawn  by  the  sentence  of  the  law  ?     And 

who  but  an  Englishman  can  defy,  while  judges  are  incorrupt,  the 

Rudest  minister,  or  most  insidious  mink»n  of  a  court ! 

%"•. The  unique  and  inestimable  institutbn  (rf  trial  by  jury,  is  an  item 

UfAfi  though  a  pmtid  ar>d  precious  one,  of  this  gbrious  accounti 

The' Englishman's  life,  ms  honour,  and,  with  some  reasonable  cx^^ 

ceptions,  his  property  too,  are  placed  not  only  under  the  protectiotf 

of  the  laws,  but  un^cr  the  further  safeguard  of  his  neighbours  and 

equals  in  private  life,  without  whose  sanction,  solemnly  g^ven  <^n 

oath,  he  cannot  be  condemned.  .^'d 

^  Sueth  my  countrymen,  are  some  of  the  blessings  of  our  freeboro 

jurisprudence;  and  *hese,  I  need  not  tell  you,  would  all  cease  t» 

i^ast,  if  we  fell  under  the  dbmiiiioh  of  France.  -y 

^    None  of  you  can  be  so  ignorant  as  to  suppose,  that  Buonapai^ 

would  allow  a  habeas  corfnis,  a  jury,  or  a  gaol-d'jlivery,  to  the  vkt* 

thns  of  his  stateH*aft  or  revenge.    He  has  reirfaced  by  a  hundred 

bastilles,  the  one  v««hich  he  has  assisted  to  destroy.    A  thousand 

miserable  pri«)ners  groan  in  his  dunge<»8  for  one  that  met  that  fate 

ulRider  tbe  unfortunate  Bourbons.    He  has  found  the  secret  also,  of 

dbtaining  from  civil  as  well  as  military  tribunals,  a  Wind  obedience- 

to  his  will.  ..; 

It  cannct  be  supposed  that  he  will  sttbmit  to  the  restraint  of  la^v«• 

in  a  province,  while  he  rejects  it  in  imperial  France.     We  must  bid- 

fSWwell  thereforei  should  he  becs&me  our  master,  to  protecting  laws, 

to  kidependent  md  upright  judges^  to  tiiai  by  juiy,  snfKS  to  all  those! 


ti 


frmrl^j^  DjmicH  ROW  consdtii  our  seoority  ^nn  dvtf  or  niiiitar7 
oppression.  Tbb  innocent  will  n<»  longer  U  abie  to  lie  down  iRi 
fMace^  secttrb  that  thef  shall  m^  be  torn  from  theuf  famitiea  era 
monun^y  to  be  exatiiineit  by  torturesy  or  peririk  in  the  gloom  oEi# 
Amgeon.  4 

From  that  time,  integrity  will  retire  frmn  the  seat  of  }u8tice)  tmA 
«emipt!on  take  its  place.  Judgments,  in  civil  cases^  will  be  sold  j 
itf 'liMMimAf^  will  be  dictated  by  the  nithkss  T^ce  of  oppressiMjj 
Fraud  and  violenee  will  erery  wlwre  prevail,  and  cunning  servility 
foe  the  only  path  to  safety.  If  any  of  our  laws  rmnain  unaUered» 
ihey  will  be  stith  only  as  may  serve,  ivhen  no  kmger  guarded  by  tha 
checks  of  a  fi-ee  constitution,  to  fltnttiply  the  modes,  md  «ggmvat« 
the  weight  of  despotism. 

^'ilet  us  look  next  to  the  infallible  and  total  suppressicm  of  the  U* 
fcerty  of  our  press. 

'  White  any  portion  of  tins  privilege  remains  in  Mjy  couiUrv,  there 
is,  if  not  a  hopie  of  deliverance,  at  least  some  c(H>sol&ti<m  for  the  opi 
{irtfssed.  . 

' '  '  The  minions  of  power  may  be  kept  in  check,  by  ^»e  publicity  df 
transactions  which,  though  not  directly  arraigned,  wouhl  i^ak  th«i» 
<»#i  <kmd(^iii6efi.  Bcitif  n«t,the  victim  of  despo^sm  wilt  at  least 
know  that  he  is  pided,  perhaps  admired  and  appUwded,  by  his  vivttt^ 
ous  fellow  ciiijaens ;  and  that  reflection  wilt  make  his  chains  uf 
lighten 

But  no -such  consolation  remians  where  the  power  of  Buonaparte 
prevails.  He  has  made  a  league  with  darkness.  He  has  declafp^ 
irar  agdnst  the  mutual  intelligence  and  sympathy,  as  well  as  the 
happiness  of  mankind.  He  has  tNlt-indeed  destroyed  the  org«hs  of 
|)ublic  information  t  btiit  he  has  done  inftYiitely  wotse :  he  has  appro- 
priated them  all  to  his  own  tyrannic  use,  compelled  them  to  utter  all 
his  falsehcKtds  md  calumnies,  and  forbad  them  to  speak  or  whisper 
with  any  breath  but  Ws  own. 

#'  The  government  of  the  press  by  the  French  Bourbons,  or  eveit 
by  the  Spanish  Inquiution,  was  wholly  of  a  negsUve  kind.  Robes* 
pierre,  his  asscr  iatesj  artd  successorsj  imposed  tio  restraints  on  the 
pt^ss,  unless  through  the  unavoidable  terpsr  of  their  power  j  and  we 
learned,  eVen  from  the  Pt^nan  journals,  the  worst  crimes  of  those 
sanguinary  mlers. 

But  Bui^sanart^-  more  craffTt  thQu»h  nm  iem  craek  than  his 
p^deeessors,  supjwesses  every  act  of  govertm»ent  that  he  wishes  to 
cone^sd^'^Kiiii^  fts'ievery  adverse  remarfc  oti  im  condwbt  j  wMle  .b# 
obliges  every  vehicle  of  pubHc  inteHigence  to  circulate,  as  on  its  ovm 


ts 


tnthorky,  whatever  impostures  or  forgeries  be  chuMs  to  propagate. 
The  victims  of  his  tyranny,  if  not  plunged  in  oblivion,  arc  defamed 
in  their  characters,  and  misrepresented  in  their  conduct ;  yet  find  no 
posiaUe  means  of  reply.  They  are  not  only  deprived  of  liberty  and 
U£p,  but  defrauded  of  the  sympathy  of  their  friends,  of  their  families, 
ftnd  mankind. 

.'^  Fancy  not  then,  Englishmen,  that  under  the  oppression  of  this 
unparalleled  tyrant,  you  would  have  the  consolation  of  knowing  that 
your  most  cruel  "Tongs,  or  t^  j.  honourable  fortitude  with  which  you 
might  sustain  them,  were  known  and  pitied  by  y6ur  country.  You 
might  be  tortured  to  death,  Uk»  Pichegru,  and  accused  of  suicide } 
you  might  be  naui:<iered,lik,pJD'EnghieR,  and  represented  as  con- 
victed assassins.  You  might  be  buried  in  a  dungeon,  like  Toussaint^ 
and  libelled  as  perfidious  traitors.  Nay,  you  might,  like  his  unforta- 
npte  family,  be  hidden  for  ever  from  tiie  world,  or  secretly  destroyed 
in  prison,  without  a  voice  that  cwld  cMJvcy  to  the  public,  or  even  to 
y^iw  ^xiously  inquiring  riends,  the  cause  or  nature  of  your  fate. 
liljNIW*^W  be  endless  to  enumerate  the  various  wid  peculiar  mise- 
rbs  which  the  sudden  subversion  of  our  liberties  would  produce* 
amMig  a  generous  and  high  spirited  people. 

,  When  Buonaparte  ba^e  Frenchn>en  resume  their  chain»,  it  was 
little  more  than  a  change  from  one  f6rm  of  slavery  to  another.  Even 
in  their  short-lived  zeal , for  liberty  and  equality,  they  never  for  a 
moment  tasted  the  rich  fi-uit  of  genuine  freedom.  But  EngUab- 
men  have  enjoyed  for  ages  that  inestimable  blessing  j  and  how 
sh^  we  be  able  to  bear  its  sad  reverse  ?  How  shall  we  endure  the 
cootemptuous  despotism  of  office,  the  exactions  of  rapacious  commis- 
saries, and  the  harsh  controul  of  a  military  police  ? 

We  must  lay  aside,  my  coumrymen,  that  indignadon  at  injustice 
in  the  exercise  of  pov^er,  which  is  so  natural  to  the  free  bom  mindr 
when  stung  by  the  sense  of  oppression.  We  must  also  suppress 
that  generous  sympathy  for  the  wrongs  of  others,  which  is  so  eaaly. 
excited  in  the  breasts  of  an  English  populace.  That  amiable  feeling, 
now  too  often  abused  with  tales  of  imaginary  oppression,  must  then 
be  suppressed,  even  on  the  most  real  and  extreme  provocation.  Fatal 
would  it  then  be  to  murmur,  when  we  saw  our  innocent  countrymen, 
our  friends,  or  dearest  connections,  dragged  away  by  the  rude  hand 
of  power,  at  the  mandate  of  some  angry  despot,  to  imprisonment  or 
death. 


nni r_..i__^ 


. .  upuw..,  M,v  uaocai  j,icriiuy,  iiie  most  savage  cru* 
«l$y,  when  clothed  with  the  authority  of  our  new  mastersi  must 


ta 

ji^—  „.»~Mk  .v|»«i>««fa«Mt)  wr  tMAiiine  compHanc;  nay,  muit  be  tr«tt« 
od  by  us  with  towly  subntiMkm  and  reelect. 
*r»  We  must  lay  aside  also  that  proud  sense  of  personal  inviolabiUty, 
%hich  wenow  cherish  so  fondly ;  and  what  is  justly  priased  stUl  more* 
the  civil  sanctity  of  our  homes.  The  Englishman's  house  must  be 
his  castle  no  more. 

4**-Instead  of  our  humble  watchmen  to  wish  us  respectfiriJy  good- 
night when  returning  to  our  abodes  in  the  evenkig,  we  shall  be  chia- 
lenged  at  every  turning  b>  military  patroles;  and  ahaU  be  fortunate,^ 
if  we  meet  no  pert  boy  in  commission,  or  ill-natured  trooper,  to  t0- 
buke  us  with  the  back  of  his  sword,  or  with  a  lodging  in  the  guards, 
bouse,  for  a  heedless  or  tardy  reply.  Perhaps,  after  all,  when  we  mi 
rive  at  our  homes,  instead  of  that  quiet  fire-side  at  which  we  expect* 
ed  to  ut  in  domestic  privacy  with  our  wives  and  children,  and  relieve 
oui  burthened  hearts  by  wghing  with  them  over  the  sorrows  of  our 
eountiy,  we  sl^ili  find  some  ruffian  famiUars  of  the  police  on  a  domid- 
liary  visit  j  or  some  insolent  young  officers,  who  have  stepped  in  m^. 
asked  to  relieve  their  tedium  while  on  guard,  by  the  converta|bii  ©f 
our  wives  and  daughters.    It  would  be  dangerous,  however,  to  offend 
such  unwelcome  guests  j  or  even  not  to  treat  them  with  att  the  res. 
pect  due  to  brave  warriors  who  have  served  under    Japoleon  the 
Great. 

jS  But  should  we  escape  Mich  intruders  for  the  evening,  stiU  w# 
n»st  lie  down  uncertain  whtther  our  dwellings  will  be  left  unviolat- 
ed  ail  the  morning.  A  tremendous  noise  will  often  at  midnight 
rouse  the  father  of  a  femiiy  from  his  sleep,  and  he  will  hear  a  harsh 
voice  coromanding  to  open  the  gate,  through  which  its  hapless  mas- 
ter will  soon  pass  to  return  no  more. 

Th^e  are  but  a  small  part  of  these  intolerable  reverses  in  point 
of  civil  government  to  which  Englishmen  would  be  doomed  to  aub- 
mit.  I  win  however  pursue  no  further  their  odious  detail ;  but  pro- 
ceed to  another  consequence  of  the  supposed  conquest-— the  transi- 
tion from  opulence  to  ruin.  - 


Sect.  S,    Deatmaion  of  the  Fttnda,  and  ruin  qf  Pro/urty 


i    Wi:i 


It  cannot  be  necessary  to  prove,  that  tbe  rapid  decline,  ifbot  Out 
immediate  ruin,  of  our  manufactures  and  cfflaimerce-.  would  be  s  s**- 
tain  effect  <^  subjection  to  a  fori  gn  power. 

These  envied  possessions  of  England,  would  be  the  favourite 
spoils  of  the  c(M-^ueror ;  and  though  he  might  not  find  it  cwy  to  re- 


U' 


* 

efforts  to  preserve  them  t»ufr  could  we  expect  suclva  benevolem  wi* 
taplpc,  would  certainly  be  fruitless.  They  are  the  creatures  of  gc- 
MMl  -confidence  and  credit,  of  le|g;al  security,  and  of  the  pecutfir 
4akMmmtm  which  have  t^en  held  forth  to  commercial  industry  gni 
•^Interprise,  by  the  genius  of  our  happy  constitution.  Still  nwvre  do 
Ifcey  owe  their  extent  end  prosperity  to  that  maritime  grewness, 
ivhich  they  reciprocalty  nourish  md  sustun.  They  depend  mudi 
also,  on  what  would  of  course  immediately  vanish,  the  conBdence  and 
fespect  of  foreign  ns^ions,  and  those  treaties  wMch  give  us  a  prefei'* 
ence  in  their  markets.  Need  1  add,  that  another  of  dieir  grand  siqN 
ports,  the  coroiaerce  of  the  East,  would  no  longer  be  ours ;  nor  iIkms 
tolonies  which  we  v«lue  toontuch. 

^'-But  irb  idle  to  dwdl  on  such  remarks.  As  we!?  might  we  ex^ 
pect  the  tt^e  to  flourish  after  its  roots  are  cut  ofT,  as  our  commerce  of 
msBQU&ctures  to  survive  the  loss  of  out  power,  independeivcy,  and 
teedoni.    ... 

liNlMiRtil  more  awful  view  of  the  effects  of  conquest^ 'will  be  fmmd 
fbUie- contemplation  of  our  public  funds.  ?*> 

•  Is  any  man  absurd  enough  to  expect,  that  the  annuities  of  tlur 
atock-holdi^rs,  will  be  pt^  «nder  the  government  <rf  BuonafMirte  ^yf 
fear  there  are  at  lef:st  many  who  have  not  thought  seriously  upon  th© 
<^estion,  or  reftected  on  the  certainty  of  the  opposite  event,  and  its 
truly  dreadful  consequences:  for  otherwise  we  slxHild  certainly  nen&r 
hear  of  the  weight  «f  taxes,  or  of  financial  dangers  frona  the  wary 
1»hen  the  security  <rf  the  country  is  at  stake; 
'rn^ht  speedy  wreck  of  the  ftmds  is  demonstrated,  the  moment  if 
is  ascertained  that  commerce  and  manufactures  must  be  ruined :  for 
*e  whole  current  of  the  revenue  has  now  barely  force  enough  t» 
keep  the  immense  wheels  of  our  iinances  in  motion,  and  carry  thertv 
snnfoothly  through  their  annual  revolutions.  The  loss  of  commerce 
And  mamifacture%  let  it  be  remembered,  is  wot  merely  the  loss  of  «v 
equal  portion  of  duties  in  the  customs  and  excise  ;  though  that  alone 
would  be  fatal,  It  involves  also  the  decline  of  various  collateral 
branches  of  revenue;  of  the  duties  on  income,  of- assessed  taxes, 
and  all  die  various  direct  and  indirect  contributions,  of  the  merchant, 
the  manufacturer,  their  families  and  dependents.  It  leads  also  to  a 
Bsord  tiian  proportionate  bcrease  of  parochial  Contributions,  those 
great  drawbacks  on  the  national  resources.  im 

But  if  our  funds  could  possibly  survive  the  loss  of  commerce  and 
»anufecture8,  ttesr  vitality  would  certunly  nol  be  proof  against  the 
grasp  qf  41  rapadoog  goypniment.    Buonaparte  wo^d  assuredly  find 


u 


tthcr  u3£& fcr  ottf  teiMiiuni^  revenue,  than  tiiat  of  payiof  divideiulfr 
•t  the  bank,  to  the  public  oredltwa  of  EogUnd.  » 

I  know  not  bow  mmy  tens  or  bumlreda  of  tbousandi  of  Ffcacb 
Mddieri,  it  might  be  thoMi^t  necefSM?j'  to  station  he»»  for  the  sup» 
poft  of  the  new  government:  but  beyoud  do«ibt  we  ahould,  tikd 
Holland,  and  the  conquered  countries  on  the  Rhme,  be  honoured 
with  the  {>resence  of  a  strong  army  of  the  best  tiwpa  cf  the  (^raat 
■Btion,  who  would  invite  us  to  pracUse  in  a  very  iiberal  ws^  towards 
them,  the  virtues  of  hospitality. 

.^   We  should  also  Iwve  to  provide  for  the  ^endour  of  a  royal  m 
proconsular  court,  which  would  ill  second  the  views  <rf  the  magniB* 
cent  Napoleon,  if  k  did  not  compeiwato  for  the  want  of  native  dignity, 
by  a  luxury  and  extravagance  far  surpassing  in  expense  the  charges 
ef  a  legiamate  government.     Supposing  however,  that  our  revenue 
should  exceed  the  immense  demands  of  our  new  civil  and  military 
•rtabUshmenta,  still  who  can  doubt  that  the  surplus  would  be  drawa 
away  into  the  treasury  of  the  great  nation,  or  the  privy  coffers  of  it* 
imperial  master?     Unhappy  creditors,  to  whom  above  twcnty.tii» 
millions  a  year  are  now  issued  in  public  annuities,  your  rights  would 
be  a  weak  obstacle  to  the  avarice  of  your  conquerors,  even  though 
Ms  appetite  for  plunder  were  not  sh«rpei!ed  by  necessity. 
«  The  conquest  of  Europe,  tet  it  be  considered^  is  a  costly  things 
and  so  roust  long  be  the  maintenance  of  those  prodigious  armies,  anil 
the  enriching  of  those  numberless  needy  instruments,  mimrj  and 
civil,  by  which  tiie  conquest  must  be  maintained.   But  the  continent 
is  already  impoverished.     Even  France  hersdf  has  been  latsif 
obliged  to  pay  her  contributions  in  kind.    If  all  the  millions,  there- 
fore, which  this  country  must  raise  in  order  to  be  solvent,  couW  be 
sUll  raised  when  our  freedom h  no  mme,  not  one  of  them,  we  m«y 
be  sure,  would  be  spared  in  compassion  to  the  British  stockholder. 
When  solveney  should  become  plainly  hopeless,  and  a  small  eompoi 
suwn  beaU  that  justice  itself  ceuW  ofter,  our  new  government  would 
not  fooUshly  embarrass  itself  with  the  trouble  of  apportioning  such  » 
pittance  among  the  hungry  multitude,  but  take  the  short  and  simple 
courseofshuttingupthebooksat^Mice.  > 

;y  Without  therefore  stopping  to  enqtiire^  whether  bank  papey 
vould  retain  its  value  after  the  supposed  conquest,  or  whether  a^nf 
other  medium  of  payment  could  be  found,  X  may  safely  assiime,  that 

With  the  independency  of  our  ftottnt»vr=  tw  4I^;a.»j..  ^*  >u-  , >_ 

would  cease.  It  is  not  even  too  much  to  assert,  that  a  stockliolde^ 
before  m  the  receipt  of  thousands  pef  annum,  might  be  unable  t«> 
pay  forhisjjfflomt^,  V, 


•* 


k 


Tiak  this  >U(jdeii  annihilation  of  our  fun^,  would  b«  •  certun 
effect  of  the  conquest,  will,  probably,  not  be  disputed  by  any  reMon< 
ing  mind.  Let  us  pause  then  awhile,  and  contemplate  that  dreadful 
•vent.  Men  are  very  apt  to  deceive  themselves  on  this  subject,  by 
&lie  anriogies  in  the  history  of  other  countries.  «  America  became 
a  bankrupt  to  her  own  citizens;  so  did  the  French  republic ;  and  th« 
consequences,  no  doubt,  were  dreadful;  but  they  were  endured-- 
they  were  even  exceeded  by  other  calamities  of  the  same  unfortu- 
nate periods."  ... 

But  have  we  considered  the  essential  and  fearful  differencel,  be- 
tween our  own  public  debt,  and  that  of  America  or  France  ? 

First,  as  to  its  amount— The  sums  for  %vhich  those  countries 
felled,  bore  no  proportion  to  the  mass  of  Uieir  general  property. 
The  people,  collectively,  lost  not  a  hundredth  part,  perhaps,  of  their 
possessions.    But  Great  flVitain  owes,  and  chiefly  to  her  own  sub- 
jects, above  six  hundred  millions  sterling,  bearing  an  interest  of  above 
twenty-two  millions  yearly;  and  the  whole  rental  of  our  lands,  esti- 
nmted'even  at  the  rate  to  which  the  artificial  effects  of  this  very  debt 
has  laised  it,  does  not  exceed  twenty-five  millions.*    If  the  rental 
te  taken  at  the  value,  to  which  the  fall  of  our  funds  would  rapidly 
teduce  it,  the  loss  of  the  public  creditors  collectively,  would  greatly 
^xcetd  the  whcJe  remaining  income  of  the  country,  except  thid: 
Jfchich  is  produced  by  commerce,  manufactures,  and  other  modes  of 
«^tive  industry.    The  amount  of  income  that  might  be  derived  from 
such  sources,  after  the  national  ruin  here  supposed,  cannot  easily  be 
<p«imated;  but  it  would  unquestionaUy  become  inadequate  to  the 
support  of  the  millions  who  now  depend  upon  it,  and  would  by  its 
sudden  fall,  prodigiously  augment  the  mass  of  the  general  distress 
more  directly  occasioned  by  the  wreck  of  the  funds.     It  would  pro- 
bably, on  the  whole,  be  no  extravagant  conjecture,  that  by  the 
mediate  and  immediate,  direct  and  collateral,  effects  of  this  great 
calamity,  <Mie  half  of  all  the  in«ome  of  the  kingdom  derived  from 
actual  property,  would  1»  suddenly  annihilated. 
te    Happy,  however,  comparatively  would  the  case  be,  if  the  conse- 
quence only  were,  that  each  individual  possessed  of  property  lost  a 
half  part  of  hfs  income ;  or  if  the  loss  were  to  be  in  any  degree 
equally  divided.    On  the  contrary,  to  a  very  great  proportion  of  our 
stockholders,  the  sudden  effect  would  be  the  loss  of  all  that  they 
possess:  an  instant  reduction  from  opulence  or  competency^  to  total 


♦  This  was  Mr.  Pitt's  eiBtitnate  for  the  purpose  of  the  lacome  Tax- 


"     DrebdfuUjr  in  other  respect*,  would  »uch  a  case  be  distinguished 
ftom  those  of  other  nations,  in  which  public  insolvency  has  occurred. 
Never  elsewhere  was  public  credit  so  well  established  on  the  basis 
of  long  experienced  security,  and  so  upheld  by  the  firm  pillars  of 
j^ublic  principle,  and  constituUonal  controuls,  that  men  have  beeft 
confident  enough  to  trust  their  all,  to  the  integrity  and  prudence  of 
the  goverrtraent.    Nor  ever  elsewhere  was  property  so  widely  dif- 
fosed,  that  multitudes  of  all  classes,  from  the  peer  to  the  peasant, 
had  a  pledge  of  this  nature  to  confide.   In  other  instances  of  national 
bankruptcy  therefore,  it  has  been  the  calair.ity,  not  of  the  many,  but 
the  few;  and  even  to  these,  has  been  but  a  partial  loss.    Nay,  it  has 
^principally  fallen  upon  those  to  whom  it  was  rather  an  ordinary 
.^sualty  of  commercial  adventure,  than  -xn  unforeseen  and  total  pri- 
vation of  actual  property,  supposed  to  have  been  realized,  and  placed 
beyond  the  reach  of  hazard.    Foreign  stock,  like  the  share  of  a  new 
loan,  or  canal  subscription,  has  been  rather  a  subject  of  gainful  specu- 
lation, than  a  depository  for  quiescent  capital,  invested  with  a  view 
&  fixed  and  permanent  income. 

•;  From  the  same  causes  another  distinctitm,  still  more  deplorable, 
has  arisen.  There  are  periods  in  the  life  of  almost  every  man  who 
possesses  property,  in  which  its  security  is  far  more  important  t6 
him  than  its  increase,  and  when  this  creature  of  society,  acquires  in 
his  eyes  its  highest  interest  and  value.  Such  is  the  case  with  the 
father  and  the  husband,  when,  in  the  contemplation  of  death,  he  sits 
down  to  exercise  the  power  and  the  duty  of  making  his  last  will,  and 
providing  for  the  well  being  of  those  who  are  dearest  to  him,  after 
his  decease.  In  such  cases,  what  testator  but  an  Englishman  has 
generally  thought  of  committing  the  whole  subsistence  of  his  widow 
and  infant  children,  to  the  security  of  the  public  funds?  But  here, 
that  has  not  only  been  the  frequent,  it  has  been  the  fkyourite  and 
ordmary  course,  even  with  the  most  prudent  parents  and  husbands, 
who  have  had  personal  ph>perty  to  invest.  The  funds  having  kmg 
been  deemed  equally  secure  with  real  e»tate,  have  been  esteemed  the 
most  convenient  depoMtary  for  the  property  of  those  who,  in  respect 
of  their  years  or  sex,  are  unable  to  improve  or  manage  it  for  them- 
selves. 

Our  courts  of  equity,  too,  in  the  exercise  of  their  contnsul  over 
executors  and  trustees,  and  in  their  protection  of  the  estates  of  mar- 
ried women  and  hifants,  have  followed  the  same  course.    The  most 

CQQS6rV&tO!TV  SHil  Kartofir'igl  nr>»iili<»a»{<»»>    f^V  ^w.,—;^;.;.!  ^.^-.^    ....J-.—   ^k^ 

direction  of  those  courts,  has  been  thought  to  be  an  investment  in 
the  purchase  of  bank  annuities;  and  a  great  multitude  ©f  widows 


18 

and  orphans,  are  at  thia^hour  receiving  their  daily  bread  frem  the 
interest  of  monies  so  invested,  not  through  the  nrovWence  of  their 
deceased  relations  alone,  bfut  by  the  decrees  of  our  civil  tribunals. 

The  certainty  of  punctual  half  yearly  payments,  and  the  con- 
▼enicnc©  with  which  they  are  received,  have  also  induced  persons 
advanced  in  years,  or  retiring  from  businesi,  to  invest  their  capitals 
in  the  public  funds,  preferably  to  all  other  securities ;  and  it  is  proba- 
ble, that  among  twenty  such  persons  living  in  retirement  on  their 
kicomes,  landholders  excepted,  scarcely  more  than  one  could  be 
found,  that  docs  not  chiefly  or  wholly  depend  on  his  half  yearly  divi- 
dends  a;  the  bank,  for  his  subsistence. 

There  is  besides,  a  virtual  and  indirect  dependency  of  capital  and 
income  on  the  national  funds,  which  is  scarcely  less  comprehensive 
than  that  which  is  direct  and  immediate;  and  which  also  involves  a 
large  proportion  of  the  aged  and  helpless.  The  creditors  or  annui- 
tants of  public  companies,  the  b6nd  creditors  of  private  merchants, 
nay  even  in  great  measure  the  mortgagees  of  real  estate,  would  find 
the  wreck  of  the  public  funds  a  source  of  general  ruin. 

Th?  mortgagee  indeed  might  be  safe,  when  his  loan,  and  all  prior 
incumbrances  taken  together,  heir  but  a  small  proportion  to  the 
value  of  the  estate;  but  in  that  case  only:  because  it  is  demonstra- 
Me  that  as  the  value  of  land  has  risen  progressively  with  the  growth 
of  our  funds,  the  annihilation  of  the  latter  would  reduce  that  value 
almost  to  its  ancient  Icvd;  while  the  enormows  increase  of  poor 
rates,  the  effect  of  general  ruin,  would  sink  the  land hc^dei-'s  net  rev«* 
hue,  out  of  which  the  interest  of  incumbrances  must  be  paid,  still 
more  perhaps  than  the  value  of  his  capital. 

And  here  we  may  perceive  a  new  range  of  callimlty,  within  which 
the  families  even  of  our  most  opulent  landholders  would  fall.  For- 
tunate is  that  real  estate,  which  is  not  heavily  charged  with  jointures, 
and  portions  for  younger  children,  and  with  mortgage.,  and  other 
mcumbrances  besides,  which  are  often  prior  in  point  of  charge  to 
those  family  burthens.  - 

The  interest  of  the  proprietor  therefore  might  be  wholl  mV  ifk 
the  general  wreck,  shouW  it  materially  lower  his  rental;  aV  ;> 
might  the  whole  incomes  of  all  his  nearest  relations.  K  :  i  .i»^ 
probable,  however,  that  the  estates  of  the  great  landed  proprietors 
Would  soon  be  confiscated,  and  given  to  the  officers  of  the  army  ap- 
pointed to  keep  us  in  subjection.  The  policy  of  Wifflam  the  Nor* 
man  wwiH  furnish  an  inviting  precedent  to"  our  new  conqueror,  and 
^--ur-:  j>^.....j,„  „^  „.^  „eai  uKiaia  oi  iinaiiy  breaking  down  the  Bri- 
tish spirit  of  the  country. 


19 


In  short  all  who  have  property  of  aa"  species  irould  ahu%  soon 
oJilatc  in  the  common  diBasier,  while  a  very  j^reat  majority  of  them 
*  would  be  instantly  dejfrivetl  by  it  of  their  whole  subsistence. 
,  ^    Nor  wonW  this  calamity  be  limited  to  tb«  loss  of  actual  posses- 
j*  fions.    How  many  parents  and  husbands  are  there  now  in  this  king, 
;  donri,  whose  sole  hope  that  a  helpless  family  will  not  want  bread  after 
their  decease,  is  built  upon  life  insurances!  To  sustain  this  hope, 
multitudes  have  long  been  paying  premiunft  which  they  could  ill  at 
ford,  and  renouncing  perhaps,  in  these  costly  times,  long  accustomed 
gratifications,  that  they  might  avoid  the  intolerable  dread,  of  leaving 
fg  beloved  wife  and  children  in  absolute  indigence  and  want. 
1^      But  what  wiU  become  of  the  security  of  life  insurances,  when  the 
national  funds  are  no  more?  Ask  the  directors  of  those  great  public 
?  eomi:Hnies  whose  credit  is  the  most  undoubted,  and  they  will  tell 
^yoxx  that  their  whole  capital  consists  of  stock,  or  other  public  sccuri- 
^esj  ami  that  when  the  state  shall  become  insolyeo^  their  policies 
/^inay  be  thrown  into  the  fire. 

Where  then,  in  this  dreadful  case,  will  the  unfortunate,  though 
not  improvident  man,  who  had  relied  upon  such  insurances,  find  any 
refuge  from  his  cares?  He  had  not  property  to  lose,  but  he  has  lost 
much  more.  He  is  bereft  of  the  chief  human  consolation,  from 
Which  he  used  lo  derive  comfort  in  the  prospect  of  approaching  dis- 
solution. Perhaps  he  has  already  entered  upon  the  confines  of  the 
grave ;  a  broken  constitution,  or  the  delalily  of  age  preclude  the  hope 
of  his  seeing  another  sunmier,  and  still  more  of  his  saving,  by  future 
industry,  a  provision  for  his  family.  A  faithful  wife  therefore  who 
is  begmning  to  feel  the  infirmities  of  declining  years,  and  beloved 
daughters  who  have  no  means  of  providing  for  their  own  support, 
must  soon  be  left  exposed  to  all  the  horrors  of  want.  Who  can  con- 
feivo  the  sharpness  of  parental  and  conjugal  misery,  in  atuations 
like  these ! 

Without  attempting  to  pursue  further  the  dreadful  effects  of  na- 
tional bankruptcy  into  their  numberless  ramifications,  I  would  ask 
the  considerate  reader,  what  proportion  would  subsi^  between  such  a 
case  as  this,  and  any  revolution  of  property  that  the  world  has  yet  seen  ? 
The  *'",nding  system,  which  alone  could  produce  such  terrible  con- 
sequences, is  of  very  modern  growth,  and  from  its  worst  casualties 
experienced  in  other  countries,  a  national  bankruptcy  in  England 
would  differ  as  widely,  as  an  earthquake  in  a  crowded  city  differs 
*iS*"  "a^vwieck  on  the  ocean. 

Ruin,  though  it  may  elsewhere  have  invaded  the  helpless,  has 
not  made  them  its  pecuUar  prey  j  but  hercj.  its  most  numero\|^  vie- 


so 

Ut.ii7  nOuiu  u€  jui;na  ainung  me  loeoie,  ine  agea,  tne  %vidow,  ana  the 
orphan ;  among  those  who  t.ve  the  least  able  to  8tnigg!8  against  the 
waves  of  adversity,  and  who  on  the  loss- of  their  property  would  be 
destitute  of  every  resource.  Tens,  or  even  hundreds  of  thousands, 
-^f  hapless  Englishmen,  would  in  one  day,  be  reduced  from  ease  and 
affluence,  to  extreme  and  remediless  distress.  Elegance  would  be 
exchanged  f  i-  rags,  luxury  for  hunger  and  cold,  comfort  and  secu- 
rity for  misery  and  despair. 

I  know  not  even  whether  the  benign  institutiou  of  our  poor  laws, 
and  our  many  charitable  foundations  for  the  relief  of  the  aged  and 
destitute,  would  not  aggravate  the  general  distress.  Most  of  the  lat- 
ter, would  be  entii-ely  deprived  of  the  funds  provided  for  their  sup- 
port; and  the  multitudes  of  poor  to  be  sustained  by  parochial  rates, 
would  become  a  burthen  scarcely  supportable  by  the  impoverished 
contributors,  reduced  as  they  would  greatly  be  in  number  as  well  as 
in  fortune.  Persons  in  the  upper  and  middle  ranks  of  society,  would 
be  consequently  the  less  able  to  assist  each  other  in  the  dreadful 
event  supposed.  The  hand  of  friendship  or  benevolence,  would  be 
arrested  by  the  grasp  of  the  tax-gatherer, 

Most  persons  have  friends  m  whose  af?bc  donate  sympathy  they 
think  a  resource  would  be  found,  under  the  greatest  malice  of  for- 
tune; but  in  ''lis  tremendous  case,  whole  circles  of  the  dearest  con- 
nections, or  most  familiar  acquaintances,  would  all  find  themselves 
under  the  sad  necessity  of  soliciting,  instead  of  being  able  to  impart, 
relief.    Their  fortunes  being  all  sunk  in  the  same  enormous  vortex,' 
they  would  be  in  no  more  capacity  to  assist  each  other,  than  passen- 
gers in  the  same  ship,  when  she  goes  to  pieces  on  the  rocks,  or  hun- 
gry mariners  on  the  same  desolate  island.    Or  could  a  wretched  fa- 
mily invoke  the  ait:  of  some  acquMUtance  or  friend,  who  had  still 
some  landed  income,  or.  other  means  of  support,  they  would  find  him 
preoccupied  by  nearer  claims;  or  so  surrounded  with  supplicants, 
the  objects  of  equal  sympathy,  as  to  have  but  a  mere  useless  pit- 
tance to  afford.    The  best  hope  of  the  miserable  many,  therefore, 
would  be  to  partake  of  iuch  parochial  relief,  as  a  ruined  country 
might  still  be  able  to  give  to  the  common  mass  of  its  paupers. 
f    How  terrible  xvould  it  be  for  an  accomplished  and  virtuous  fe- 
male,  who  till  now  had  been  accustomed  to  all  the  comforts,  and  ele- 
gant enjoyments  of  an  easy  fortune,  to  become,  witb  her  lov^'y  chil- 
dren,  an  inmate  of  a  parish  workhouse !     Yet  those  recestacifis  cf 
coarse  and  unsightly  indigence,  from  which  even  the  more  decent  of 
our  poor  now  turn  with  disgust,  would  then  become  an  asylum,  to 
which  the  most  refined  and  delicate  might  be  driven  to  resort.  They 


21 


might  wish  perhaps,  that  the  humanity  of  their  country  had  provided 
no  such  sad  alternative  to  famine ;  but  the  imperious  requisitions  of 
hunger,  or  a  conscience  revolting  at  suicide,  would  comi>el  the  starv- 
ing individual,  much  more  the  wretched  family,  to  proUact  a  painfiU 
existence  even  on  those  loathsome  terms. 

The  prospect  of  such  calamities  is  enough  to  make  an  English- 
mail  view  with  anxiety  and  alarm,  those  appearances  of  general  opu- 
lence, in  which  we  are  too  apt  to  exult. ' 

When  we  walk  in  the  neighbourhood  of  this  grand  metropolis, 
through  any  of  those  pleasant  villages  with  which  it  is  surrounded, 
we  see  the  wealth  and  prosperity  of  the  nation,  in  their  most  pleasing 
and  captivatmg  dress.  The  road  is  bordered  on  each  side,  and  the 
green  or  common  surrounded  with  country  retreats  of  all  dimensions, 
from  the  stately  villa,  down  to  the  little  painted  box,  which  mocks 
the  tax-gatherer  with  its  smgle  window:  and  through  the  whole 
range  of  the  scale,  all  is  neatness  and  comfort.  Almost  every  man- 
sion, however  small,  is  provided  with  its  parterre  in  front,  and  its 
garden  behind;  unless  fortunate  enough  to  possess  a  more  extensive 
allotment  of  land,  in  the  centre  of  which,  surrounded  with  ornamen- 
tal shrubs  aLd  flower-plots.  It  exhibits  a  still  more  inviting  shew  of 
retirement  and  independence.  ^. 

Yet  these  are  the  abodes  of  men  engaged  in  the  busy  occupa^ 
tions  of  commerce;  and  a  great  many  of  them  too,  in  subordinate 
stations ;  men,  who  in  any  other  countiy,  and  forty  years  ago  in  our 
own,  would  have  been  shut  up  in  the  smoky  town,  under  the  same 
roof  with  their  counting  houses  or  shops. 

If  we  pass  in  the  morning,  the  masters  o*"  these  happy  retreats 
arc  seen  issuing  with  cheerfulness,  refreshed  by  the  pure  breezes  of 
the  country,  to  repair  on  horseback  or  in  carriages,  to  their  daily 
business  in  London.  In  the  aftemo(Mi,  we  see  them  returning  in 
the  same  easy  and  commodious  way,  to  enjoy  their  family  comforts ; 
or  already  sat  down  tc  the  social  meal,  which  waited  their  rTival. 
In  the  interior  of  these  rural  mansions,  all  is  answerable  to  their  out- 
vrard  appearance.  The  smallest  of  them  can  boast,  if  not  elegance, 
at  least  neatness,  cleanness,  and  convenience  in  its  furniture,  and 
-plenty,  if  not  luxury,  on  its  table,  greater  than  are  always  seen  in 
other  countries  even  in  the  mansions  of  the  great. 

This  wide  extent  of  domestic  enjoyments,  exhibits  moi'e  clearly 

s_  ».-}!  __  _-_„^  -^«^   _• >        ,. .  _.». '_  _-    i^  , 

even  the  profusion  of  private  carriages,  and  the  many  splendid  equi- . 
pages,  which  crowd  the  roads  to  a  great  distance  from  the  metro- 


IS. 


'■.;*a'-;,. 


22^     .      ,       , 

Often  in  the  contemplation  of  such  scenes,  have  I  shuddered  at 
the  thought  of  that  sad  reverse  which  may  be  near  at  hand.  How 
possible  is  it  that  in  a  few  years,  aye,  in  a  few  months,  all  tliis  un- 
exampled comfort  and  happiness,  may  vanish,  like  the  painted  clouds 
in  a  western  sky,  l>efore  an  evening  tempest! 

These  enjoyments  of  the  merchants,  and  other  busy  actors  in 
the  various  industry  of  London,  may  be  compafed  to  the  tulips  and 
hyacinths  which  we  sometimes  see  blowing  in  jRowei  lasses  in  their 
parlour  windows.  The  numberless  fibres  from  which  they  derive 
their  nutriment,  arc  not  inserted  in  the  solid  earth  of  real  property, 
but  float  in  the  loose  element  of  public  credit;  and  the  wreck  of  the 
funds  would  be  as  fatal  to  t'  m,  as  the  fall  of  the  glass  cylinder  to 
the  flower. 

Our  merchants  would  have  again  to  return  to  the  parsimonious 
habits,  and  rigid  industry  of  their  fore-fathers.  Instead  of  being 
able  to  unite  as  now,  the  profits  of  the  town,  with  the  health  and 
pleasures  of  the  country,  at  the  charge  of  two  residences,  and  the 
expensive  means  of  communication  between  them,  singularly  for- 
tunate would  be  that  individual,  who  could  find,  by  immuring  him- 
self and  his  family  in  the  heart  of  the  metropolis,  and  by  using 
every  resource  that  painful  industry  and  parsimony  could  there  ex- 
plore, the  means  of  escaping  want. 

Those  numberless  costly  villas,  therefore,  which  now  arrest  the 
eye  in  every  direction,  those  interminable  ranges  of  less  conspicuous, 
but  not  less  happy  dwelUngs,  which  form  the  suburbian  villages, 
would  soon  be  deserted;  and  would  fall  to  the  ground  almost  as  ra- 
pidly as  they  arose  from  it.     In  a  few  years,  a  walk  six  miles  from 
J-ondon,  instead  of  exciting,  as  now,  lively  emotions  of  patriotic 
joy  and  admiration,  would  be  like  an  evening  visit  to  a  church  yard ; 
presenting  nothing  but  the  shadows  of  impotent  ambition,  and  the 
mouldering  records  of  departed  happiness.    The  wretched  survivor 
of  the  freedom  of  his  country,  would  be  happy  to  escape  from  that 
wide  circle  tlmt  now  comprises  the  most  interesting  displays  of  our 
commercial  afl^uence,  to  leave  Hampstead,  or  Woodford,  Clapham, 
or  Norwood,  behind  him,  in  order  to  find  a  country  less  incumbered 
with  ruins,  and  deliver  himself  awhile  from  the  torments  of  visual 
recollection. 

•  ^Sect.  6.  Dreadful  extent  and  ejects  of  the  C07itribution8  tlmt  would 

-  — ^  .  ,  ,*,««-  ^,  .f^^  —         .  -  -  — 

' ,     IN  this  sad  foresight  of  the  desolation  of  my  country,  I  have 
passed  over  unnoticed  some  of  the  earlier  and  more  terrible  eflects 

of  conquest.  -V,,        ,.^  ,,;,.*    *     •.%. 


Chi  the  probable  camaet;  in  the  field  ?*  «rn:  n  i^  « i      . 

anv  strp«*     Pr,„i  „  1  T  .  '  "      ^^'^  "*  uncandW  to  lay 

worthy  of  such  a. take;  and  though  the  astonishing  cekritv  of  our 

defenders  of  the  chance  ofdying  for  their  country,  yet  the^l 
My  vrould  be  some  actions  fertile  enough  in  sLhLrB^^^^ 

rlen         "L"'  ""'°"  ''''  ^"""«  ''^  aggravations  oTourtV- 

^ead  the?  """  '""•^'  "'^'"^  ^°"^^  ™^^^  ^^'^  «ving  envy  ti* 

dead  their  peace,  as  well  as  their  glory.    Let  us  raU)er  look  ther? 

;i  uX:! '"'  "?"^°^'  -^^  ^"^^^-  oppress.?rr:!^u  tz 

await  the  napless  survivors. 

I  have  generaUy  and  faintly  sketched  some  part,  of  the  wretch 
ednes,  of  teing  property,  but  a  worse  mischief  will  bl  .he7^ 
repute  of  possessing  it.  " 

the  SZlf  "°  "•■■'  " "?«"  "^  'ni^applybg,  by  false  analogies, 

It-aT  F  "^T""-  '"  "*""'  "^•"""^  "»^l>  ""vc  been  L^ 
quer^a  by  France,  their  in^^poverisheu  and  exhausted  state  has  Z, 
generally  known  to  the  victors.  They  have  been  either.hetau  Tf 
war,  »ddraa,ed  by  previous  contributions;  or  like  H^nd  L 
quered  under  circumstance,  which  made  it  prudent  to  pt^  fo".' 
bearance.  an  t.me  had  gradually  revealec  the  real  indige^ce^f  rt. 

Crtent":''"  "^  '°°'  '  ■"*=  ^^'"""'■«  ^  befSt 
.natrument  <«  exactK«s;  and  its  representations,  the  sincerity  rf 

whtch  tbere  has  been  littie  room  to  doubt,  have  stlmeume.  ^dl^ 
he  conquero,,  to  moderate  their  extreme  «qui.id6ns.    A^^w^r^ 
suci,  a  government  has  been  permitted  to  reguhte,  equalize  a^ 
soften,  the^ctual  collection.    The  fate  of  these  conntrie'  has  ^ve" 
theless  been  severe  enough ;  and  much  more  so  than  ti.ey  hav. 
dared  to  reveal,  thmugh  any  public  channels  of  compi 

But  if  England  be  conquered,  it  wHl  be  under  circumstances 
whuh  W.11  leave  France  nothing  to  fear  from  the  odium  wMctshe 
may  «.nt™c.  by  the  utmost  rapacity  of  conduct,  and  to  a  native 
B™A  government,  w.  shall  unquestionably  not  be  intrusted. 

Wh«  ,.  a  still  more  fearful  distinction,  our  enemies  have  the 
most  extravagant  .dea.  of  our  public  and  individual  wealth.  Far 
from  und,r,tand,„g  the  great  financial  difficulties  undir  which  we 
«tu^ly  labour,  they  suppose  us  to  have  gold  enough  yet  in  reserve 
to  ^bsKhse  the  whole  con-inen,  for  ages,  and  that  instead  of  being 
•mpovenshed,  we  have  been  greatly  enriched  bv  the  w,r  * 

J  asK  men,  what  eloquence,  or  what  attainable  proofs,  would 

aon,  or  the  greatest  number  of  heavy  contributions,  which  they 


raight'successivefy  impose  upon  us,  were  too  much  for  our  purses 
to  yield?  Sums  would  soon  be  required,  which  the  subordinate  ad- 
ministrators of  finan(.d  for  the  country  at  large,  would  find  it  impos- 
sible to  raise.  Our  tyrants  would  then  perhaps  apportion  the  chai^ge, 
upon  counties,  cities,  towns,  and  even  parishes.  But  the  inefBcacy 
,pi  th^,  and  every  other  resort,  would  infallibly  sooner  or  later  bring 
the  levy  home  to  our  houses,  by  the  mode  of  individual  assess- . 
ments ;  and  a  system  of  inquisitorial  exaction  and  oppression  woulfi 
.«nsue,  more  cruel  than  ever  before  existed  upon  earth. 
^  Let  the  owner  of  an  elegai.t  villa,  or  sumptuous  town  mansion, 
consider  how  he  wotdd  be  able  to  satisfy  a  military  commissary  of 
jbis  poverty,  when  called  upon  for  a  thousand  guineas;  or  let  the 
master  of  a  handsome  house  either  in  town  or  country,  reflect  how 
he  could  prove  his  inability  to  pay  a  hundred?  Each  indeed  might 
Itruly  allege,  that  he  had  not  one  guinea  in  his  possession  or  power, 
that  his  wealth  had  been  annihilated  by  the  public  bankruptcy,  and 
that  his  daily  subsistence  now  depended  upon  the  credit  which  hn 
stiU  found,  for  a  while,  with  his  tradesmen,  or  upon  the  compassion^ 
ate  assistance  of  friends.  But  all  this  would  be  regarded  as  common 
and  stale  pretence,  which  every  man  might  set  up,  which  could 

-liever  be  clearly  investigated,  and  which  must  therefore  be  generally 
disallowed.  The  unhappy  man  perhaps  might  truly  add,  that  his 
plate  had  already  been  seized,  his  cabinets  riAed,  and  his  most  valu- 

^jable  moveables  sold,  to  satisfy  former  requisitions.     But  this  would 

-he  considered  Only  as  evidence  of  former  contumacy,  and  systematic 

^deception.  The  splendid  or  genteel  manner,  in  which  he  would  be 
Jknown  recently  to  have  lived,  would  be  deemed  a  presumption 

^against  him  paramount  to  every  proof  that  could  be  offered  of  pre- 

.l^ent  poverty  or  distress. 

,1.    In  truth,  nothing  would  be  more  natural  than  the  surmise,  that 

^lioverty  was  a  pretence  to  elude  the  demands  of  the  state.  With 
many,  their  pleas  of  inability,  if  not  wholly  groundless,  would  at 
least  be  exaggerated  statements ;  and  the  detection  of  falsehood  in 
some  cases,  would  seem  to  justify  incredulity  in  all.    Besides,  after 

^every  allowance  made  for  the  long  use  of  our  paper  representatives 
for  money,  it  would  be  very  difficult  for  a  foreigner  to  believe  that 
so  small  a  quantity  of  specie  remained  in  the  country,  as  would  be 

Ifctually  found.  Some  few  persons  too  might  be  detected  in  having 
buried  or  concealed  it;  which  when  discovered,  would  perhaps  be 

ttiuiOal  uS  mlcii  10   iric;ir  COUrilryiVicu,  us  liic  cxpciiieili  ui  suiiie  un- 

llappy  Jews  (who  on  the  capture  of  Jerusalem  by  Titus  swallowed 
their  gold)  was  to  their  wretched  fellow  sufferers. 


^  Fernaps  some  of  my  rtaders  may  suppose,  that  flic  irofst  cob- 
li<}uence  of  suspicion,  or  of  an  imputation  of  contumacy,  would  be 
the  hating  Fi^ch  soldiers  quartered  in  their  hcwses,  in  order  to  in^ 
fore*  discovery  or  compfiwice:  a  consequence  certainly  dreadful 
enoagti,  *specially  tb  thosfe  who  have  wives  or  daughters:  butun-. 
less  we  are  treated  better  than  Frenchmen  are  in  like  cases,  torture 
^  asath  may  be  prbbably  superadded  to  that  odious  roede  of  cxac- 
tioD. 

^>  The  report  that  Toussairil  was  tortured  to  death,  with  «  viiiw  to 
«xtort  a  discovery  of  the  treasures  which  h*  was  supposed  to  have 
hid  in  St.  Domingo,  and  that  his  hapless  wife  shared  the  same  fate» 
seems  not  to  be  improbable.  By  recent  accounts  from  that  island, 
it  appears^  that  the  suspicion  of  his  hating  buried  wealth  to  a  large 
amount,  in  a  spot  known  only  to  himself,  or  to  those  in  his  most 
secret  confidence,  certainly  did  prevail  with  the  French  party.  But 
if  this  crime  be  doubtful^  not  so  the  murder,  upon  the  same  sordid 
principle,  of  M,  Fedon,  a  white  man,  as  well  aa  a  Frenchman,  whose 
ease  may  be  worth  attention. 

General  Rochambeau,  finding  that  one  of  his  last  regtiisitions  of 
Ittoney  from  the  inhabitants  of  Cape  Francois  collectively,  was  not 
sufficiently  productive,  proceeded  to  assess'individual  merchants,  at 
the  sums  of  which  he  thought  them  to  be  still  possessed;  and  M. 
Fedon,  being  a  merchant  of  the  first  eminence  of  that  place,  was 
reqiiired  to  pay  down  immediately  as  his  quota,  5000  dollars  in 
specie.    He  truly  pleaded  inability  to  comply  ;  and  gave  a  reas<»i 
somewhat  similar  to  that  which  an  unloPtunate  Englishman  might 
allege,  in  the  case  which  I  wish  to  illustrate  .--His  whole  funds,  the 
goods  in  his  warehouses  excepted,  had  been  invested  in  bills  drawrt 
upon  the  French  government,  for  public  services  in  that  colony^ 
under  the  authority  of  the  general  himself,  or  his  predecessor} 
which  bills  had  been  returned  protested.    The  same  had  been  the 
fate  of  like  paper  to  a  large  amount,  in  the  hands  of  other  mer- 
chants in  the  town;  by  which  means  general  distress  from  the  want 
of  a  circulating  medium,  had  been  produced  at  that  calamitous  junc- 
ture.   But  though  the  general  fact  was  indisputable,  the  particular 
excuse  was  not  accepted.     M.  Fedon  vtaS  put  under  arrest ;  and  with 
peremptory  orders  to  the  officer  who  took  charge  of  him,  to  shoot 
hrn  at  three  o'clock  the  same  day,  unless  the  money  should  be  pre- 
Tioualv  nair1_ 

It  was  in  vain,  that  the  ufihapjiy  merchant  ofiered  his  keys,  to 
a^ertain  that  he  had  no  money  in  his  coffers,  and  in  vain  that  he 
offered  to  redeem  his  life  with  goods,  or  government  bills,  to  any 

E 


•mount.  Neither  hi^  offers  nor  complaints  were  regarded ;  and  the 
money  not  being  brought  forward  by  the  appointed  hour,  he  w«s 
led  forth  and  actually  shot  on  the  public  parade,  pursuant  to  the 
general's  order.  Hi»  counting-house  and  warehouses  were  then 
taken  posseasion  of  by  the  same  tyrannic  government,  and,  on  a 
strict  search,  the  cash  found  there  amounted  to  about  five  dollars. 

This  transaction,  which  through  the  loud  complaints  of  a  brother, 
of  the  deceased,  and  of  his  mes  sntile  friends,  is  quite  notorious  in 
the  West  Indies,  and  America,  and  which,  if  I  mistake  not,  was 
either  mentioned,  or  referred  to,  in  the  official  dispatches  of  our 
naval  officers,  employed  in  the  reduction  of  the  Cape,  has  never  been 
disavowed  by  Rochambeau ;  and  his  impatience  to  go  from  this 
country  to  France  on  his  parol,  is  a  proof  that  he  apprehended  no 
punishment  for  so  foul  a  murder,  though  the  complaints  of  M. 
Fedon  the  brother  are  known  to  have  made  their  way  to  the  Thuil- 
leries.  In  fact,  he  threatened  all  the  merchants  at  the  Cape,  French 
or  American,  with  similar  treatment,  and  would  no  doubt  have  fol- 
lowed up  the  dreadful  precedent,  but  fortunately,  the  only  subse- 
quent assessment  which  he  had  time  to  make  before  his  expulsion 
from  the  island,  did  not  exceed  a  sum,  which,  by  making  a  common 
stock  of  all  their  resources,  the  merchants  were  able  to  pa/.  , 

Were  it  not  for  the  rigorous  and  unprecedented  restraints  im- 
posed upon  the  press,  in  every  country  under  Buonaparte's  power 
or  influence,  there  would  probably  be  no  difficulty  in  citing  many 
instances  of  similar  oppression  in  Europe  ;  and  even  in  France  it- 
self; bnt  the  crimes  of  his  interior  government,  are  always  perpe- 
trated in  silence,  except  when  it  becomes  necessary  to  divulge  them 
for  some  political  purpose ;  and  even  then,  care  is  taken  to  put  every 
gloss  upon  them  that  state-craft  can  devise.  Torture  and  death 
may  very  probably  have  been  the  secret  fate  of  hundreds,  who  have 
been  made  the  victims  of  this  frightful  despotism,  whether  upon 
motives  of  policy,  avarice,  or  revenge. 

'  Here,  the  rapacious  spirit  of  the  victors,  excited  by  the  expecta- 
tion of  inexhaustible  spoil,  and  abetted  by  a  long  cherished  lust  of 
vengeance,  would  take  its  most  direful  range ;  and  horrors  would 
ensue,  at  the  report  of  which  our  fellow  vassals  on  the  continent 
might  stand  aghast,  forgetting  their  own  sufferings,  in  their  pity  of 
miserable  England.— -Alas,  those  unhappy  nations  now  bitterly  re- 
pent their  own  supineness  and  folly,  and  regard  us  with  envy,  be- 
cause we  imve;  siirr  iijc  power  oi  escaping  the  torments,  to  which 
they  ai-e  irretrievably  doomed.  How  would  they  rejoice  to  be  again 
as  we  .now  are,  hi  a  capacity  to  defend  their  liberties,  though  at  the 


cost  of  every  painful  sacrifice,  and  every  arduous  effort  of  patriot- 
ism, which  they  fotally  shrunk  from  before. 


;i"  '  "  '" "  Qpam  veUent  xtJiere  in  alto, 

V  r,-  "  ^""^  **  paupericm,  et  duros  perferre  labores !" 

.  ;? 

J*     Let  us  cease  in  time  to  follow  their  example,  that  we  may  not! 
Z' pe  partakers  of  their  plagues.  ,, 

^tct.  7.  Rigoroui  ond  merciieaa  government  that  -would  certainly  ensue. 

f    In  England,  various  motives  would  stimulate  our  new  masters 
to  more  than  their  usual  excesses.  i;  ,'^     ^  *? 

i     Could  we  be  fortunate  enough,  even  in  the  total  surrender  of 
i^blic  and  individual  property,  to  satisfy  our  spoilers  that  no  more 
remained  behind,  still  rage  and  revenge  would  claim  their  promised 
prey.    Has  not  Napoleon  solemnly  declared,  that  the  last  of  his 
eombined  enemies,  shall  expiate  the  offence  of  them  all,  and  feel  the 
full  weight  of  his  vengeance  ?  Has  he  not  repeatedly  held  out  allure- 
ments to  the  army  destined  to  invade  us,  such  as  plainly  imply  en- 
gagements to  give  us  up  to  the  rapine  and  violence  of  his  soldiers  ? 
When  was  he  known  to  be  less  cniel  in  act  tluin  in  pi-oroise,  and 
what  ground  has  Engl  nd  to  expect  that  his  barbarous  nature  will 
relent  in  her  case  alone  ? 

•f    It  is  a  peculiar  characteristic  of  this  insolent  conqueror,  to  treat 
every  opposition  to  his  purposes  by  foreign  patriots,  whether  sove- 
reigns, ministers,  generals,  or  private  persons,  as  a  reproach  and  a 
crime.    Does  an  illustrious  veteran  retire  mortally  wounded  from 
the  field,  with  the  wreck  of  an^  army  which  he  had  gallantly  com- 
manded, his  loyalty  and  courage  are  made  reasons  for  spoiling  his 
domains,  and  excluding  him  from  the  tomb  of  his  ancestors.    Does 
a  gallant  youth  of  high  birth  and  early  reputation,  nobly  perish  in 
battle,  a  martyr  to  the  cause  of  his  country,  Napoleon  is  too  crafty 
to  deny  some  praise  to  the  soldier,  but  the  memory  of  the  patriot,  is 
treated  with  the  most  vindictive  censures,  and  insolent  derision. 
His  ebullitions  of  rage  against  that  gallant  officer  sir  Sidney  Smith, 
and  his  less  impotent  malice  toward  our  unfortunate  countryman 
captain  Wright,  are  specimens  of  the  same  spirit. 

But  why  do  I  dwell  on  inferior  instances,  when  deposed  mo- 

-™     ..^,  Ttzr.j   \.ii^xt    u;;;;uppy  ^U^^iaii^    wivUgn  Znv*    |^tauvo  xii    u^auiy    iH 

distress  might  aid  the  sympathy  due  to  fallen  royalty,  are  grossly 
insulted  by  this  unfeeling  man,  for  having  dared  to  resist  his  arms. 
He,  who  punishes  wkh  death  the  publication  oi  strictures  on  his 


■     -      ■  % 

o%vA  nnvrmtlw  rnn^«!«*.  h«  «n*n  wi>/>  »«r»«i  !.:•«  «..  .11.^: xni^ 

every  newspaper  with  bia  coarse  abuse  of  sovereigns,  who  ought  t0 
ht  sufficiently  protected  by  the  respect  due  to  long  hereditary  ma- 
jesty, and  to  the  grandeur  of  those  thrones  in  which  they  lately  sat; 
but  who  would  find  with  every  liberal  mind  a  still  more  secure  proi- 
tection,  in  pity  for  their  unparalleled  misfortunes,  and  their  extreme 
distress.    It  would  seem  as  if  this  audacious  man  arrogated  to  him- 
*!lf  a  natural  right  to  be  lord  of  the  human  species;  regarding  his 
usurpations  only  as  the  uniting  possession  to  a  title  which  belonged 
to  him  before,  and  which  it  was  always  treason  to  oppose.     Certain 
itid,  that  patriotism,  loyalty,  and  courage,  which  other  conquerors 
have  respected  in  their  foes,  are  with  him  unpardonable  crimes. 
*'^*    What  then  has  England  to  expect  from  this  inexorable  victor? 
No  nation  that  he  has  yet  subdned,  has  opposed  him  so  obstinately 
,  'fcnd  so  long;  and  I  trust  the  measure  of  our  offences  in  this  respect, 
Is  yet  very  far  from  being  full.     Here,  too,  that  species  of  hostility 
which  he  roost  dreads  and  hates,  though  he  employs  it  without 
scruple  agaihst  his  enemies,  has  been  peculiarly  copious  and  galling, 
-Instead  of  one  Palm,  he  will  here  find  a  thousand,  who  have  at- 
tempted ^hile  there  was  yet  time,  to  awaken  their  country  to  a  due 
sense  lof  his  crime*,  and  o^  our  danger  from  his  pestilent  ambition. 
But  it  is  needless  perhaps  to  prove  what  he  so  freely  and  fre- 
quently avows.     If  there  be  any  sincerity  in  his  language,  when 
thefe  is  no  use  in  dissimulation,  if  either  his  proclamations,  his  bul- 
letins, his  gazettes,  his  avowed,  or  unavowed,  his  deliberate,  or  hasty 
Jai>guage,  may  be  trusted,  a  deadly,  acrimonious  hatred  to  this  Cbun- 
tpy,  is  the  most  settled  and  ardent  feeling  of  his  soul.    He  hates  us 
-9»  a  people ;  and  would  conquer  us  less  even  frpm  ambition,  thaqi 
fukn  anger  and  revenge. 

It  is  to  be  feared,  besides,  that  partly  from  his  unwearied  mis- 
representation s,  and  partly  perhaps  from  certain  errors  in  our  own 
ponduct,  he  has  made  this  sentinfient  very  popular  in  France  ;  and 
that  the  severest  treatment  which,  as  a  conquered  people,  wer  juld 
possibly  receive,  wbuld  expose  him  to"  no  censure  at  home,  much 
less  be  unacceptable  to  the  enraged  «  Army  of  England." 
:2  It  would  not,  after  all,  perhaps,  be  possible  for  foreigners  to  go- 
'  Vern  us  without  a  rod  of  iron,  while  the  memory  of  our  beloved 
liberties  was  recent,  and  custom  had  not  yet  taught  us  to  carry  our 
(Chains  with  patience. 

A  free  people  when  conquered,  and  placed  under  an  arbitrary 

government,  must  be  kept  in  awe  by  a  discipline  peculiarly  strict 

"irid  severe,  till  their  high  spirit  shaU  be  subdued  j  like  the  wild  na? 


live  of  the  ferett,  which  must  ba  dom^stkatea  aod  t»me4  by  •  «e- 
.verity  of  treatment,  such  as  the  spaniel  never  requires. 

Abcrrc  all,  every  open  act  of  sedition  or  insubordination  among 
•uch  ^  people,  must  be  terribly  chastised.    An  illustration  of  thit 

,  piay  be  found  in  our  own  treatment  of  the  Korom^ntyn  negroes,  or 
natives  of  the  Gold  Coast;  as  explained  by  Mr,  Bryan  Edwards,  in 
*i8  History  of  the  West  Indies.  Among  aU  the  different  nations, 
and  tribes  of  Africans,  wh^m  we  reduce  to  a  slavery  unknown  in 
their  native  land,  by  making  them  work  for  Ufe  under  tlie  whips  of 
our  drivers,  the  Koromantyns,  from  their  martial  spirit,  and  perhaps 

jfrom  a  peculiar  degree  of  civil  liberty  possessed  by  them  in  their 
padve  country,  are  found,  by  far,  the  hardest  to  break  in,  or  to  wwwi, 
as  it  is  called,  to  the  duties  of  West  India  bondage.    Other  negroes 

<*quietly  submit,  though  they  die  by  great  numbers  in  the  process  ; 

^but  the  Koromantyns,  as  we  learn  from  Mr.  Edwards,  are  so  into- 

%fem\t  of  the  yoke,  as  often  to  escape  from  it  by  self-murder. 

*      They  art?  naturally,  therefore,  very  apt  to  resist  the  master's 

ifoVcreign  authority ;  and  sometimes  form  boW,  though  impotent  . 

*conspii3»cies,  or  desperate  revolts;  and  the  consequence  ia,  that  the 

people  of  Jamaica  and  other  islands,  have  thought  it  right  to  make, 

in  such  cases,  the  most  dreadfu'  examples,  roasting  the  msurgents 

«to  death  by  slow  fires,  or  hanging  them  up  alive  in  iroi^s,  to  perish 

#Ha  a  gibbet.* 


*  Edwards's  History  of  the  West  Indies,  vol.  2,  book  iv,  chap.  3.  The  fol- 
lowing  is  an  account  of  one  case  of  this  kind,  of  which  he  was  ai,  eye-witness,  t 
•*  Of  those  who  were  clearly  proved  to  have  been  concemf  d  in  the  murders  com- 
mitted at  Ballard's  Valley,  one  was  condemned  to  be  burnt,  and  the  other  two  to 
be  banged  up  alive  in  irons,  and  left  to  peri'h  in  that  dreadful  situation. 
■4.  "  The  wretch  that  was  burnt,  was  made  to  sit  on  the  ground,  and  his  body 
being  chained  to  an  iron  stake ,  the  fire  was  applied  to  his  feet.  He  uttered  not  a 
groan,  and  saw  his  legs'reduced  to  ashes  with  the  utmost  firmness  and  compo- 
sure .    After  which,  one  of  his  arms  by  some  means  getting  loose,  he  snatched  a 

C    "*^  ^"^^  *^*  ^^  **^*  '^^  consuming  him,  and  flung  it  in  the  face  of  the  txt- 
%Utioner.  ^ 

*      •'  The  two  that  were  hong  1^  aTive,  were  indulged,  at  their  own  request,  with 

^U^  hearty  meal  before  they  were  suspended  on  the  gibbet,  which  was  erected 

lUi  the  parade  of  the  town  of  Kingston.     From  that  time  until  they  expired,  they 

iKver  uttered  the  least  complaint,  except  only  of  coH  in  the  night;  but  diverted 

themselves  all  day  long  in  discourse  with  then-  countrymen,  who  were  nentiitted. 

very  improperly,  to  surround  the  gibbet     On  the  seventh  day,  a  notion  pttvailed 

gmongthe  spectators,  that  one  of  themwi^ed  to  ebmmunicatt  an  important 

'  sfctret  to  his  master  my  near  relation,  who  being,  in  St.  Mary's  parish,  the^com- 

manding  officer  sent  for  me.    I  endeavoured  by  means  of  an  interpreter  to  let 


That  Frenchmen  'wotilrl  fb!!ow  precedents  so  horrible  as  th-"e 
in  punishing  EngJish  insurgents,  is  perhaps  more  than  we  havJ 
reason  to  apprehend  ;  but  the  example  proves,  that  dreadful  seve- 
rities would  be  used ;  for  we  should  certainly  be,  in  comparison  with 
other  subjected  nations,  what  the  Koromantyns  are,  in  comparison 

wth  c*her  Africans,  when  carried  into  slavery  by  our  merchants. 

The  plea  of  necessity  will  be  found  here,  as  well  as  in  Jamaica;  for  ' 

yfhen  a  whole  people  is  reduced  to  slavery,  the  more  abhorrent  to 

nature  that  condition  is,  the  more  fatal  would  be  the  effects  of  un- 

subdued  resistance.  ,. 

A  French  government  too,  would  naturally  form  exaggerated 

nmions  of  the  danger  arising  from  any  effervescence  ot  'popular 

discontent. 

Under  the  old  regime  in  Paris,  mobs  were  sometimes  raised'  fh' 
the  Fauxbourgs,  during  a  scarcity  of  bread  ;  when,  instead  of  turn- 
ing  out  the  constables,  reading  a  riot  act,  or  even  giving  warning  to 
disperse  on  the  amval  of  a  military  force,  a  troop  of  horse  coolly 
rode  m  among  them,  and  used  the  sabre,  till  the  streets  were  cleared 
at  the  expense  of  manyHves.  ' 

^*  Since  that  period,  the  Parisian  mobs  have  fun>ished  some  apo- 
logy  for  their  having  been  formerly  controuled  by  such  sanguinary 
means ;  and  so  far  is  Buonaparte  from  being  disposed  to  brook  the 
smallest  demonstration  of  popular  discontent,  that  he  lately  told  the 
ciUzens  of  Beriin,  their  sovereign  had  deserved  to  be  dethroned 
because  he  had  not  taken  vengeance  of  them  for  breaking  the  win- 
dows of  an  obnoxious  minister. 

The  Britisli  multitude  would  have  a  new  lesson  to  learn  there:, 
fore,  or  would  be  fatally  misunderstood  by  their  new  masters.  They 
would  have  to  renounce  their  hisses,  their  cat-calls,  their  Green 
men,  and  broad  faced  orators,  and  must  be  careful  how  they  even 
huzzaed  too  loudly,  should  they  still  find  any  subject  of  applause  ' 
A  tenth  part  of  the  tumult  of  the  late  Westminster  election,  would 
be  enough  to  cover  our  pavements  with  the  dead  or  wounded,  and 
tinge  our  sewers  with  blood. 
•  m:  The  clubs,  and  numerous  associations  which  now  abound  among 

him  know  that  I  was  present,  but  I  could  not  understand  what  he  said  in  return 
Iremember  that  both  he  and  hisfellow-sufferer  laughed  immoderately  at  so^ne' 
thmgthatoccim^d:  I  know  not  what.    The  next  momintron^  nf.K„^  ,:,„„..„ 
^xpin^a.  as  d.a  the  other  on  the  morning  of  the  ninth  day."    (History  of  Wat 
Indies,  vol.  2,  book  iv,  chap.  3.)  ^  * 


31 

I 

^omtructions. 

They  would,  no  longer,  indeed,  have  any  of  those  interesting  ob- 
jects  of  union,  the  forming  funds  for  mutual  support  iu  sickness,  old 
age,  or  temporary  loss  of  employment,  the  securing  reversionary 
interests  to  surviving  relaUvcs,  or  any  of  the  various  other  useful 
purposes,  to  which  our  national  taste  for  clubs  has  been  made  sub- 
•eivient.  The  wreck  of  our  funds,  would  have  ruined  all  these  hum- 
ble  but  beneficent  establishments;  and  the  prudence  of  the  poor, 
disappomted  in  its  present  confidence,  would  no  more  be  listenuig 
to  the  advice  of  the  benevolent,  so  as  to  provide,  by  Umely  sacrifices, 
against  the  ordinary  evils  of  their  situation.    But  convivial,  and 
other  private  motives,  of  union,  might  still  draw  men  together  in 
numbers  alarming  to  the  jealousy  of  a  foreign  government;  the  ig- 
norance or  malevolence  of  a  spy  might  misrepresent  their  intcn. 
tions;  and  Englishmen,  might  soon  find  it  dangerous  to  assemble 
beyond  the  limits  of  a  family  circle,  though  they  should  abstain  from 
the  consolation  of  lamenting  together  over  their  wrongs,  and  the 
sorrows  of  their  country. 

I  Our  appetite  for  pubUc  news,  and  our  propensity  to  political 
discussion,  would  give  further  occasion  of  frequent  offence  to  the 
ruling  powers,  and  often  provoke  the  scourge  of  a  rigid  police,  tUl 
we  had  learnt  the  hard  lesson  to  forget  the  liberty  of  speech,  as  well 
as  the  freedom  of  the  press. 

But  it  would  be  endless  to  anUcirite  all  the  instances,  in  which 
our  present  civil  happiness,  would  then  become  a  source  of  pre- 
eminent misery.    Every  distinguishing  feature  of  our  national  cha- 
racter,  would  be  offensive,  or  alarming  to  our  new  masters.    An 
entire  revolution  in  our  manners,  our  feelings,  and  opi.aons,  must 
be  effected,  before  we  could  have  such  rest  as  the  prostration  of 
habitual  servitude  affords.     Meantime  if  France  has  chasdsed  other 
ijftUons  with  whips,  she  would  punish  us  with  scorpions. 
^  Among  the  direct  and  comprehensive  modes  of  oppression,  to 
ivhich  rich  and  poor  would  be  equally  subjected,  military  conscrip- 
tions  are  of  course  to  be  reckoned.*   It  cannot  be  imagined,  that  our 
conqueror  would  treat  us  in  this  respect  better  than  his  oth^r  pro- 
vinces: and  as  compulsory  service  in  foreign  countries,  has  been 
lutherto  unknown  to  us>  we  should  feel  this  species  of  tyranny  also, 
more  keenly  than  our  neighbours.   The  flower  of  the  Hriti-h  -.-.-.-k 
ot  all  ranks,  would  soon  be  compelled  to  take  up  the  musket,  and  to 
bleed  and  die,  in  distant  climates,  for  the  glory  of  the  great  nation. 
«ut  this  13  a  subject  which  I  shall  have  occasion  to  reconsider,  in 


it  now. 


fa 

itlnoit  Mriking  rebtioni;  I  will  not  tlicreforo  enlarge  upon 


*•.» ' 


Sect.  9,    Stibvermon  qfour  reUgioua  Ubertiea. 

»-  Senrants  of  God,  sincere  professorg  of  the  reUgion  of  Jesus,  sup- 
pose not  that  in  thk  rapid  and  imperfect  sketch  of  the  calamities 
with  which  French  conquest  would  overwhelm  our  countr3r,  I  have 
fi)rgotten,  or  mean  to  pass  unnoticed,  the  grand  interesU  of  piety 
«id  virtue. 

On  these,  however,  I  need  not  much  insist;  lor  men  who  know 
how  to  value  them,  are  not  among  tijc  ii&ttless  or  careless  observers 
•f  the  scourge  that  is  impending  over  us.  Neither  need  they  in 
general  to  be  taught,  how  closely  the  cause  of  religion  is  associated 
with  the  liberty  and  independency  of  our  country. 

The  church  of  Christ,  indeed,  is  "  built  updn  a  rock,  and  tLo 
gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevaU  against  it."  The  word  of  omnipotence 
is  pledged  for  its  security ;  and  it  may  therefore  defy  the  floods  of 
civil  revolution,  and  the  cpnflagrations  of  conquest.  But  it  pleases 
4iyine  providence,  to  accomplish  its  purposes  in  human  affairs, 
diiefly  by  human  hands .  and  though  tj-ue  religion  has  never  been 
propagated  by  arms,  yet  the  defensiv*;  courage  of  nations,  has  some- 
tinges  been  employed  as  the  instrument  of  its  protection.  Witness 
the  glorious  reign  of  our  own  Elizabeth,  and  the  contemporary  tri-* 
umphs  (rf  religious  liberty  in  Holland. 

-  We  are  not  now  menaced  by  a  Philip  the  second ;  but  have  » 
fcr  more  dangerous  enemy;  and  if  any  man  suppose  that  he  would 
long  spare  our  religious,  after  trampling  on  our  civil  freedom,  he 
must  have  examined  very  carelessly  the  character,  and  the  policy 
of  Buonaparte. 

That  this  man  of  blood,  this  open  apostate  from  Christianity,  is 
not  what  he  has  the  impious  grimace  to  affect  to  be,  a  truly  penitent 
stm  of  the  Roman  church,  and  zealous  for  ner  superstitions,  I  fully 
admit.  Beyond  doubt  he  still  is,  what  he  was  by  education,  a  des- 
piser  of  revealed  religion  in  all*  its  forms ;  and  probably,  as  such 
awn  commonly  are,  profoundly  ignorant  of  its  nature, 
i  But  that  as  an  engine  of  state,  he  sets  a  high  value  upon  the 
Romish  faith,  has  been  evident  from  his  conduct,  ever  sii^ce  he  first 
seized  upon  the  sovereign  power  in  France.     He  perceived  that  the 

Illl1u6!l€6  of  the  tJriesUinnd.  an^i  th^  *t^t\\n.rk^xT  j^?  =-.rr  $r-.£v!itui^  -u u 

might  be  made  useful  supporters  of  his  throne;  since  by  their  aid, 
he  might  remove  from  the  minds  of  the  pious,  the  horror  they  fek 


it  hii  usurpation;  and  even  transfer  to  himself,  th(5  benefit  of  those 
.|«hgiou8  sancuons,  which  bound  them  to  their  lawful  sovereign. 

'      k-  u*"*  **'°"^**  ^*  *'°"'''  *"^''"'''^  ^''''^"^  *''*  P^^*""'  "  ^«"  «•  the 
bishops  and  clergy,  there  was  one  great  drawback  on  the  immediato 

effect  of  this  policy,  in  the  general  infidelity  and  ignorance  of  the 
people;  for  while  Popery  and  Christianity  had  been  subverted  togc- 
ther,  in  the  minds  of  raulUtudes  who  were  once  believers  in  til* 
gospel,  few  among  that  girat  part  of  the  nation  which  had  been  bom 
or  educated  since  the  revoIuUon,  had  been  at  all  instructed  in  rcH- 
gion  of  any  kind.  He  had  in  great  measure,  therefore,  to  rebuihl 
Jhat  engine  of  Popish  superstition,  with  which  he  was  desirous  to 
work. 

^  To  this  end  he  has  long  assiduously  laboured;  a-  ],  among  other 
means,  has  lately  procured  a  new  catechism  to  be  drawn  up,  and 
estabUshed  by  the  papal  authority,  for  the  use  of  the  French  church, 
m  which  all  the  old  errors  and  superstitious  of  Popery  are  strongly 
inculcated,  and  maintained,  by  such  miserable  sophistry,  as  is  com- 
monly  used  in  their  support.  In  this  respect  it  is  well  adapted  to 
the  capacities  of  boys,  and  of  adults  in  the  lower  tanks  of  society;* 

•  I  have  not  room  for  any  long  specimen  of  its  stile ;  but  tht  foUowing  ex- 
tracts,  of  some  of  *he  proposiiions  of  faith,  may  suffice  to  prove  that  Nano- 
fcon's  popery,  has  nof  at  all  degenerated  from  the  .tandaid  of  Leo  the  10th. 

Q.  What  is  the  sacrament  of  the  Eucharist?  -         , 

A.  The  Eucharist  is  a  sacrament  which  contain,,  really  and  aabstanriaUy. 
the  body,  blood,  Boul.  and  divinity  of  our  Loni  Jesus  Christ,  under  the  forms 
or  appearance  of  bread  and  wine. 
■  ^.  ft:  Why  after  having  spoken  to  God,  do  you  address  the  holy  virgin  ? 

A.  That  she  may  offer  our  prayers  to  God ;  and  that  she  may  assist  us  by  in- 
tercedmg  with  him  for  us. 

ft;  Is  it  good  and  useful  to  pray  to  the  saints  ?  „*    . 

A.  It  is  very  good,  and  very  useful,  to  pray  to  tbem. 
ft:  Why  do  you  add  the  satisfaction  of  the  saints,  to  that  of  Jesus  Christ ' 
A.  Because  of  the  goodness  of  God,  who  i,  willing,  on  the  behalf  of  h}» 
most  pjous  servants,  to  forgive  the  other. 
ft  Why  besides? 

A.  Becaime  the  satisfaction  of  the  saints  a«  united  to  that  of  Jesus  Christ, 
whence  they  derive  all  their  value. 

'?  TJ'u''  ^^  ^""'  ^''"'*  ^^^  ^^"^  P"'''''  *»»«  P°w«r  of  remitting  sin  ?    . 
ru    :  «  '^^  ''^ ''"™  '"  the  person  of  the  apostles.  "  receive  the  Holy 

Ghost ;     sms  shall  be  forgiven  to  those  to  whom  you  shall  remit  them,  and  th.-: 
-n^h  uc.rcU„,ed  to  tnose,  to  whom  you  retain  them.  '; 

ft  Do  you  believe  only  what  is  written ! 

has  Li^lT  *'"*.^^f  .*^^  Apostles  have  taught  by  word  of  month,  and  which 
h?3  always  been  believed  in  the  Catholj<^hHrch.  •  .       ^ 


and  on  the  tsrhol*,  a  more  Irigenious  coniposiuiai  for  his  ^rpoia 
couW  not  .have  been  framed.  With  the  solemn  wmction  of  the 
ftope's  bull,  an  archiepiscopal  mandate,  and  an  imperial  decree,  in 
iu  front,  is  now  carefully  circulated,  and  assiduously  taught,  in 
every  parish  of  the  empire. 

If  it  were  possible,  vn  a  contemplation  of  Buonaparte's  general 
conduct  and  character,  to  question  whether  superstition,  or  policy, 
had  kindled  his  seal  for  restoring  the  faitl  he  has,  by  the  spirit  of 
this  curious  instrument,  removed  alt  doubt  on  the  subject.  A  gen- 
tleman who  has  just  published  an  English  translation  of  it,  justly 
remarks,  thnt  «  the  moral  duties  which  it  specifies,  arc  all  on  one 
fidfi;  thatwiiat  inferiors  owe  to  their  supedors,  is  minutely  detailed, 
and  stemty  enjoined;  but  that  what  superiors  owe  to  their  inCsriors, 
will  be  sought  for  in  vain ;  for  not  a  word  on  the  subject  is  to  be 
fouwJ."* 


%>; 


Q.  How  do  you  call  this  doctrine  ?  < 

'A.  I  call  it  the  unwritten,- word  of  God,  or  tradition. 

Q.  Why  is  the  Catholic  church  called  Roman  ? 

A.  Because  the  church  established  at  Rome  is  the  head,  and  the  mother  of 
ill  other  churches. 

Q.  Why  do  you  ascribe  this  honour  to  it  i^ 

A.  Because  at  Rome  the  chair  of  St.  Peter  was  established,  and  of  tb|[ 
popes  his  successors. 

Q;  What  do  you  understand  by  the  words,  **  I  be. eve  the  chm-ch  ?" 

A.  That  the  church  may  always  continue;  that  all  it  teaches  must  be  be- 
lieved, and  that  to  obtain  eternal  life,  one  must  live  and  die  in  its  bosom.; ;. 

Q.  Why  must  we  believe  all  that  the  church  teaches  ? 

A-  Because  it  is  enlightened  by  the  Holy  Ghost, 

Q.  Is  the  Catholic  church  then  infallible? 

A.  Yes;  and  those  who  reject  its  decisions  are  heretics; 

Q.  What  does  faith  teach  us  concerning  indulgences  ? 

A.  That  the  church  has  received  from  Jesus  Christ  the  power  of  granting 
them,  and  that  the  use  of  them  is  very  salutary  to  Christians. 

Q.  Why  are  indulgencies  so  salutary  ? 

A.  Because  they  are  established  to  moderate  the  rigours  of  the  temporal 
l^aiiw  due  to  sin. 

N.B.  This  is  explained  by  another  article  to  relate  to  pwgatory. 

Q.  Is  it  necessary  to  know  precisely  how  this  rigour  is  moderated  ? 

A.  No;  it  is  sufficient  to  believe  that  a  good  mother  like  the  church,  gives 
nothing  to  her  cbildrea,  but  what  really  serves  to  relieve  them  in  this  world  »nd 


•*^ 


*  IntroducUoa  to  this  catechism  by  Mr.  Bogue. 

9i 


partc°  """'^  *"'  '^'  '*''""^'°''  o^«q«»%»  the  democratic^  Bt«>n> 

But  then,  he  has  carefully  taught  the  duties,  which  both  hieh 
and  low,  nch  and  poor,  owe  to  his  heaven<lelegatud  self;  and  that 
00,  as  a  branch  of  the  Decalogue  ! ! !  The  reader's  curiosity  wiU 
be  still  more  strongly  excited,  when  I  add,  that  it  ii  the  fourth  com- 
mandment, which  has  happily  provided  buttresses  to  the  throne  of 
this  usurper:  but  it  is  right  to  explain,  that  as  Papists  prudently 
omfe  the  second,  the  fourth  commandment,  in  their  table,  is  that 
whicft  enjoins  us  to  homwr  our  parents. 

Cardinal  Caprara,  the  legate  a  to..r.  at  Paris,  and  cardinal  de 
Belloy,  archbishop  of  Paris,  and  "  mnnbcr  of  the  Xegion  qfffonaur^^ 
have  distinguished  their  pious  ingenuity,  by  the  following  tery 

clear  fxpcsiUon.  of  what  *  Protestants   call  the  fifth  command^ 
ment  «"««m 

Q.  What  are  the  duties  of  Christian  in  regard  to  the  princes 
^vho  govern  them,  and  infiarticular  what  ane  our  Outies  tc-mrdo  M- 
Poleori  the  Fir«tf  Mir  etnfieror  ? 

A.  ChrisUans  owe  to  the  princes  who  govern  them,  and,  we  owe 
tn  Particular  to  Mfioieon  the  Mr.t,  our  em/ieror,  love,  respect,  obedi- 
ence,jwrtfwry  service,  and  the  tributes  ordained  for  the  preservation 
and  the  defence  of  the  empire,  and  of  his  throne;  besides  we  owe 
him  fervent  prayers  for  his  safety,  and  for  the  temporal  and  spiritual 
prospenty  of  the  state.  .?  j«    ««* 

Q.    Why  are  we  bound  to  all  these  duties  towards  our  empc- 

A.  First,  because  God,  who  creates  empires,  and  who  distri- 
hutes  them  according  to  his  will,  in  loading  our  emperor  with  fa* 
vours,  whether  in  peace  or  war,  has  established  him  our  sovereigft, 
has  made  him  the  minister  of  his  iwwer,  and  his  image  on  earth.  To 
honour  and  serve  our  emperor,  is  therefore  to  honour  and  survc  God 
lumaelf. 

Q.  Are  there  not  particular  motives  which  ought  to  attach  ui^ 
more  strongly  to  Napoleon  the  First,  our  emperor  ? 

A.  Yes ;  for  he  it  is  whom  tiod  has  raised  ufj,  in  difficult  cir- 
eumntances,  to  re-establish  the  public  worship  ©f  the  holy  religiew 
of  our  fathers,  and  to  be  the  protector  of  it ;  he  has  restored  and 
preserved  public  order,  by  his  profound  and  active  wisdom ;  he  de- 
fends t...i  state,  by  his  powerful  arm  :  and  is  become  the  ahmv*^ 
ED  of  the  lord,  by  the  consscration  which   he  has  rs*    . 

CEIVBD    IROM   THE  CHIEF   POMTIlfP,    H»AII    OF     TH»  XJM».V»E»Ai. 
CHURCH.  ** 


M 


K 


■•'IP' 


Q.  What  are  we  to  think  of  those  who  should  fiul  in  their  duty 
towards  the  emperor  ? 

A.  According  to  St,  Paul  the  .^jioatle,  they  would  resist  the  order 
tatabliahed  by  God  himself;  and  would  render  themaeivea  worthy  o/eter*^ 
^  nal  (iflmnation.  ,/.  ^^ 

Q.  Are  the  duties  by  which  we  are  bound  towards  our  emperor, 
equally  binding  towards  his  legitimate  successors.     * 

A^  Yes,  undoubtedly ;  for  we  read  in  sacred  Scripture,  that  Ciod 
the  Lord  of  heaven  and  earth,  by  a  disposition  of  his  supreme  will, 
and  by  his  providence,  gives  empires  not  only  to  a  person  in  parti- 
cular, but  also  to  his  family.* 
.  It  would  have  been  creditable  to  these  worthy  cardinals,  if  they 
could  hav£  left  out  the  sixth  commandment,  as  well  as  the  second ; 
for  it  certainly  follows  too  close  on  the  commentary,  by  which  this 
man  of  blood,  this  destroyer  of  the  house  of  his  law^l  and  pious  so" 
,   vereign,  is  described  as  a  delegate  of  heaven. 

There  is  such  a  combat  between  horror,  and  the  sense  of  ridi- 
cule in  the  mind,  upon  reading  these  impious  absurdities,  that  we 
,   cannot  fully  gr  e  way  tp  pither  emotion  ;  and  it  therefore  seems  al- 
f  most  irreverent  towards  the  sacred  text,  to  quote  tiiem }  yet  it  is 
")B*t.   Mty  that  English  Protestants,  and  even  pious  Papists,  should 
see  how  religion  is  likely  to  be  prostituted  and  profaned,  wherever 
this  vile  hypocrite  is  master. 

Infinitely  more  does  he  disparage  our  common  feith,  by  ac- 

{  knowledging  the  Messiah  at  Paris,  thanf  he  did  by  denying  him  in 

^  Egypt.  -    • 

^  -     This  catechism,  promulgated  a  few  months  ago,  is  but  one  of  a 

train  of  concurrent  measures,  all  directed  to  tl^e  same  political  end. 

B'onaparte  has  not  only  taken  pains  to  restore  the  former  supersti- 

•  T^c  Following  curious  apology  is  offered  by  the  cardinal  archbishop,  in  his 
prefatory  letter,  for  thus  prostituting  religion  to  sanction  usurpation  and  trea- 
son. 

After  intimating  that  the  catecliism,  as  far  as  relates  to  the  doctrines  of  the 
Catholic  church,  is  taken  from  the  writings  of  the  celebrated  bisht^p  of  Meaux, 
^^  ^hat  zealous  defender  of  Popery,  against  the  Protestants,  in  tlie  days  of  Louis 
*  l^h),  he  adds,  *' The  duties  of  subjf^cts  towards  the  princes  who  erovem  them. 
"  zr€  more  fully  explained  in  it  than  they  had  ever  been  before ;  because  the  cir- 
*'  cumstances  of  the  times  in  which  we  live,  resemble  not  those  of  the  times 
•♦wtich  hav«  preceded  thenri ;  because  Christians  have  never  feared  when  cir- 
-  -  CurriDluiiCca'  bcei'iicil  lit  require  it,  to  declare  iheir  sentiments  concerning  the 
«•  powers  csmiblished  by  God  to  rule  the  world/'  A  most  valorous  mstance,  to  be 
sure  we  here  ifxvq,  of  this  Christian  &iiicevity»and  freedom ! !  ? 


.  kS" 


lions,  at  the  expense  of  sneers     am  his  philosophical  f^J^-nds,  but 

sacrifices  much  time,  of  which  unhappily  he  is  a  great  economist, 

m  attendmg  the  celebration  of  mass^  and  the  other  rites  of  the  Popish 

.communion.     He  even  labours  to  restore,  what  after  the  public  de- 

tection  of  the  impostures  of  priestcraft  in  the  days  of  the  revolution, 

we  might  have  supposed  incapable  of  being  renewed,-*the  popul^ 

reverence  for  relicks:  for  he  has  lately  transported,  with  solemn 

■;  pomp,  a  crown  of  thorns,  pretended  to  be  the  identical  one  worn  by 

.  our  Saviour,  from  Italy  to  France.    How  indefaUgable  he  was,  in 

-      compelling  the  aged  pontiff  to  assist  at  his  coronauon, -and  anoint 

Tiim  with  his  holy  chrism,  the  public  cannot  have  forgot;  and  the 

*  catechism  strongly  teaches  ns  the  reason. 

t ,  Nor  is  his  disregard  to  the  temporal  rights  of  the  pope,  a  trait 
+  at  all  inconsistent  with  the  rest  of  this  policy  j  for  the  most  super- 
,»tmou8  sovereigns  of  France,  have  not  s-.rupled  to  adopt  a  similar 
conduct.  It  has  been  the  ordinary  tone  of  the  GalUcaii  church,  even 
■among  its  most  pious  and  orthodox  raembeis,  to  limit  the  political 
.[power  of  their  holy  Father,  however  fully  they  admitted  his  supre- 
macy in  questions  of  faith. 

In  short,  Napoleon  has  been  steadily  aiming  at  acquiring,  in  the 
^ye«i  of  the  vulgar,  the  character  of  a  good  Catholic,  and  sincere  son 
pf  the  church. 

«  But  Napoleon,"  it  may  be  objected,  «  has  not  yet  sh.>,wn  him- 

,^8elf  a  persecutor  ol  the  reformed  churches."--Certainly  notr-it 

Vould  have  been  too  gross  and  sudden  an  apostecy  from  liis  phUo- 

sophical  creed,  not  utterly  to  disgust  and  outrage  all  those  men  of 

.^science,  whom  it  wa?  his  poUcy  and  vanity  to  attach  to  him ;  and  what 

^tlwas  more  dangerous,  even  the  officers  ef  his  army. 
If  Some  of  the  latter,  were  said  openly  io  have  expressed,  at  the 
first,  their  contempt  for  those  religious  solemnities  which  they  saw 
the  chief  consul  attending ;  and  educated  as  they  for  the  most  part 
"Were,it  may  probably  be  some  :ime,bcfore  the  spirit  of  open  and  con- 
temptuous scepticism  will  be  aufficvently  subdued  in  the  army,  to 

^^nak.e  persecution  entirely  convenient. 

,..  But  already  the  conceited  French  infidels  r  ■  reconciled,  to  the 
policy  of  cheating  the  ignorant  populace  with  the  errors  to  which 
they  are  foolishly  prone,  and  re-building  the  fabric  of  superstition, 
for  the  sake  of  its  civil  effect?.  Already,  as  may  be  perceived  by 
Napoleon's  Tc  Deums,  his  high  masses,  and  canting  professions  of 
piety,  in  his  buiiciiiib  oi  general  orders,  the  politic  hypocrisy  w'lich 
he  practises  is  beginning  to  be  popular  m  the  army.  It  will  be  but 
one,  and  an  easy  step  mor^  to  profess  hkpself  the  restor^jr  of  ths 


true  Catholic  faith,  and  to  obtain  that  glory,  to  wiiich  Charles  the 
Fifth,  Philip  i\\t  Second,  and  Louis  ti.e  FoOTteenth,  vainly  in  the  pie- 
nitudc  of  their  greatness  aspired,  by  the  mtei'  extirpation  of  schism 
^and  heresy  in  the  Christian  church. 

^I'^  ft  is  quilt  unnecessary  to  suppose,  as  a  motive  for  such  an  en- 
terprise in  the  emperor's  mind,  any  real  preference  of  the  Romish 
faith,  in  opposition  to  tht:  reformed  religions ;  and  yet  it  h  highly  pro- 
bable that'  such  a  predilection  exists.  It  is  a  strikingly  uniform  cha- 
racteristic of  the  zealous  enemies  of  revelation,  even  among  thoste 
who  have  laboui-ed  most  to  discredit  it  in  Protestant  countries,  that 
they  have  a  pre-eminent  aversion  to  those  forms  of  faith,  which  are 
the  least  assailable  by  the  shafts  of  wit  on  the  score  of  folly  and  su- 
perstition. 

An  attentive  reader,  of  Hume  or  Gibbon,  wHl  perceive  that  they 
harve  much  more  indulgence  for  the  grossest  errors  and  abuses  of 
Popery,  than  for  the  rational  laith  of  a  sincere  Protestant  ChrisUan. 
If  the  former  are  ever  mentioned  by  them  in  strong  terms,  or  de- 
picted in  high  colouring,  it  is  only  for  th?  sake  of  iusiduously  con- 
founding theiji  with  the  latjter;  and  thereby  holding  up  all  belief  in 
revelation,  to  ridicule  or  abhorrence.    Hume,  will  be  found  nuch 
itiore  sparing  than  other  historians,  of  his  censures  on  the  persecut- 
ing bigots  of  the  Romish  church,  in  the  unhappy  days  of  Mary  j' 
and  equally  distinguished  by  his  severity  against  the  excesses  of  the 
I'eformers,  in  the  following  reigns;  and  on  the  whole,  he  is  evident- 
ly  partial  to  Popery,  though  this  characteristic  may  escape  the  no-  ' 
tice  of  such  readers  as  take  a  much  higher  interest  in  constitutional, 
than  theological  discussions.    His  malice  against  religious  princi- 
ple in  genera!,  is  conveniently  disguised,  under  a  just  severity  to- 
wards those  poruical  errors,  with  which,  vi  that  age,  it  was  too  often 
associated. 

*-  As  to  Gibbon,  lie  manifested,  both  in  litei»ary  and  private  charac- 
ter, the  affinity  between  Romish  superstition,  and  philosophical  seep- 
tiCism.  He  was  a  convert  to  Popery,  before  he  became  an  unbeliev- 
er ;  and  though  the  questions  bfetween  Protestant  and  Cath(  He,  did 
not  lie  in  his  historical  path,  it  is  not  difficult  to  perceive,  that  he,  like 
Hume,  is  jealous  of  all  mediums  between  his  own  philosophy,  and  a 
blind  devotbn  to  the  tenets  of  an  infaHible  church.  Even  in  regard 
to  queiJtiona  in  which  the  generality  of  Protestants  and  Roman  Ca- 
tholics are  on  the  same  side,  against  sects  whom  they  both  condemn 

for  attemntine*  »  rn^virkrvtmio^  Untio^j;^  — =*-' :«;-^i«--!i...  -.;..:  . . ■-.    . 

the  partialities  of  Gibbon  are  on  the  opposite  side  to  those  on  which 
we  might  have  expected  to  find  them .    If  he  prefers  Julian  to  Con- 


Ik 


^  39 

Bte^tinc,  he  prefers  also  the  Athanasians  to  the  Arians;  and  to  none 
of  bi,  controvcmal  opponents  was  he  more  bitter  and  contemptuous, 
than  to  the  Socinian  and  philosophical  Priestley. 

A  Uvii^  writer,  of  the  same  school,  has  laboured  openly  to 
defend  agmnst  the  opinions  of  his  Protestant  countrymen,  both  th« 
F*<^tice  of  auncular  confession,  and  masses  for  the  dead 

Nor  IS  there  in  all  this,  any  thing  strange  ur  uncommon.    The 

Uewt  is  naturally  indignant  at  those  Christians,  who  would  presume 

o  rival  him  m  the  field  of  reason,  and  to  exercise  as  finely  as^^him^tf 

'  ,„^  "^^   ;^P"^^^t  ^"'*^™'"*' ^^"^ '^*y  nevertheless  admit  the 
ruth  and  divme  authoruy  of  the  Scriptures.    He  regards  them  a. 

1 1    K,  Tk'  '  '""^^  ^«t^^them,  because  he  dreads  them,  ,«ore 

than  the  bUnd  bigots  of  a  gross  supersUiion. 

For  these  and  other  reasons,  it  would  be  childish  to  imagine,  ti.at 
,  Oicre  IS  any  security  in  the  irreligion  of  Buonaparte,  again«  hii  de. 
,  l^ing  hberty  of  conscience  to  his  subjects,  when  political  expediency 

•hall  seem  to  him  to  demand,  or  not  to  forbid,  such- oppression. 

Indeed,  «  seems  to  me,  that  a  purpose  of  enforcing  by  his  po.ver  a 

uniformity  of  faith,  and  submission  to  the  church  of  Rome,  thLgh- 
^<»ut  his  dominions,  is,  either  by  inadvertency  or  design,  pretty  plainly 

feumated,m  the  sole.^n  instruments  prefixed  to  his  new  catechism. 
_.  IJut  let  the  reader  judge  for  himself. 

k  .a",^'T"'*""  '"''^^''  ""^^"^  ^''"''*^^'  ^^^'"'y  ^l^ved  brethren  is, 

^  that  the  doanne  <f  Qhri^i,  being  essentially  one,  may  be  uniforjy 

« Y««^A^.  and  that  Christians  having  the  same  sentiments  and  the  same 

Jl  W,  may  every  where  use  the  same  language.  In  pursuance  of  this 

object,  and  m  obeuience  to  a  previous  law,  conformable  to  the 

desire  of  the  Church,  a  catechism  has  been  composed  desig^^d 

to  be  the  only  one  used  in  all  (he  Churches  of  the  French  £m/tire  "  ' 

a    ^^Trl.  ^^"^  ^""^'^  ""'^*'''  ^^'^  government  we  live,  though 

I  raised  byProvidence  to  the  pinnacle  of  human  power,  glories^o 

9  acknow^dge  that  priests,  and  not  emperors,  are  to  preach  the  doc 

I  tones  of  the  holy  church.     He  unites  with  me  of  Ids  illustrious 

^/jrecf.c«.or*,  who  sat  on  the  throne  of  France,  in  saying,  that  if  the 

duty  of  bishops  IS  to  make  known  with  freedom  the  truth  which 

they  have  received  from  Jesus  Christ,  that  of  the  prince  is  to  hear 

^  «  fromthem  founded  on  the  Script.- res,  a«d/o.fl>-c.i/««W, «///,« 
'  might. 

So  fans  mi^  pasiurai  letter  or  mandate  of  Cardinal  Bellov.    In 
?r  *";P\"«1  decree  that  follows,  the  catechism  is  directed  to  be  used     , 
fin  all  the  Catholic  churches  of  the  empire,",  a  change  of  phpse, 


40 


which  seems  to  luanifest  that  the  generality  of  the  former  instru- 
ment, as  descriptive  of  the  emperor's  design,  had  not  passed  unno- 
ticed. Why  then  was  it  not  altered  i  unless  for  the  sake  of  intimating 
to  zealous  Catholics,  that  the  ulterior  purpose  was  wider  than  the 
immediate  practice?  But  the  allusion  to  that  persecuting  bigot, 
Louis  IVth,  and  the  emphatic  words  that  follow,  seem  to  mark  the 
Knne  intention  more  clearly. 

Whether  this  construction  be  admitted  or  not,  the  immediate 
practical  moderation  of  a  government,  which  in  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury, so  anxiously  inculcates  submission  to  the  church  of  Rome  as 
essential  to  salvation,  and  openly  brands  as  heretics  all  who  deny  its 
infallibility,  is  certainly  very  suspicious.  Napoleon,  it  is  true,  for  the 
present,  tolerates  the  reformed  religion  in  Holland,  and  even  in 
France;  but  did  not  Charles  the  fifth  do  the  same  in  Germany,  till 
lie  was  able  conveniently  to  throw  off  the  mask  ?  Nay^  did  not  Louis 
the  fourteenth,  profess  himself  the  protector  of  the  Protestant  states 
of  that  country,  when  it  suited  the  views  of  his  atnbition  ?  Let  us  look 
forward  then  to  a  state  of  things,  alas!  too  nearly  accomplished, 
when  Europe  will  have  ho  more  power  of  resistance  to  this  impe- 
rious man.  Let  us  suppose  him  master  of  England,  as  well  as  of  the 
continent;  and  ask  ourselves. what  will  then  be  the  bamer  of  reli-. 
gious  freedom,  in  this  once  fortunate  island. 

;  t*i  He  has  found  the  utiHty  of  that  alliance  l>etween  the  throne  and' 
the  altar,  against  which,  in  common  with  his  Jacobin  friends,  he 
once  so  loudly  inveighed.     But  to  what  altar  will  he  look  for  sup- 
port? Not  surely  to  one  on  which  he  cannot  sacrifice,  and  the  vota- 
ries of  which  will  never  repair  to  his  own.    He  will,  on  the  contrary, 
feel,  like  most  of  his  predecessors  in  the  career  of  conquest,  that  an 
opposition  in  faith  may  one  day  lead  to  a  dismemberment  of  empire ; 
and  that  unity  in  church-govern  menty  is  a  necessary  buttress  to  the 
stupendous  fabrick  of  usurpation  which  he  has  raised.    Such  a  unity 
can  only  be  found,  in  restoring  the  universal  supremacy  of  the  see  of 
Rome ;  and  to  him,  the  measure  would  be  more  inviting  by  far  than 
it  ever  was  to  any  former  son  of  the  church,  however  poweiful ; 
since  he  can  have  no  fear  that  the  holy  father  will  ever  dare  to  opi- 
pose  his  will.     The  keys  of  heaven  on  the  contrary,  will  be  turned 
at  his  cbmmand ;  and  enable  him  to  secure  with  a  triple  bolt  the 
fetters  tliat  his  arms  have  impose ',     Without  arrogating  to  himself 
that  divine  legation  as  a  teacher,;  which  he  already  imninnsiv  as- 
sumes as  a  subverter  of  tlironcs,  he  might  add  like  the  Caliphs',  the 
power  of  a  spiritual,  to  that  of  his  temporal  empire. 


t--Blv' 


We  may  add  to  these  considerations,  that  Buonaparte,  in  nre. 
semng  the  religious  liberties  of  Great  Britain,  would  have  to  m2 
tern,  not  only  a  Pi-otestant  Episcopal  church,  but  the  Presbyterian 
../f.tabhshn.ent  of  Scotland,  the  consUtution  of  which  would  present 
to  him  the  alarming  image  of  popular  and  representaUye  Lem. 
m^nt^  and  also  to  tolerate  those  nnmerous  sects  of  dissenters!^ 
whose  mtenor  organization  and  discipline,  wear  still  more  of  al^ 
mocratical  aspect :  nor  would  his  alarm  be  lessened,  by  the  discovery 
that  our  Protestant  dissenters  have  at  all  times  Jen  determined 
enemies  to  arbitrary  power. 

n  HappUy  indeed,  this  has  long  ceased  to  be  a  distincUon  between 
Enghshmen;  and  smce  a  well  defined  freedom  has  Umit-d  the  dk-' 
rogauve  of  our  kings,  the  throne  has  not  had  more  faithful  S^:' 
I^rters,  than  have  been  found  amorg  dissenters  from  the  establish 
church.  In  hatred  to  a  foreign  yoke,  Britons  of  all  religious  denonu^ 
nauons  would  be  equally  ardent^  but  the  tyrant  might  find  M  oS 
C.VJ1  history,  and  in  tfee  poUtical  prejudices  against  sectaries,  Chil 
still  Unger  amaig  us,  as  well  as  in  the  habits  of  some  very  poputar 
reUgious  socieues*  peculiar  grounds  of  distrust. 

His  dread  of  such  sectarian  associations  however,  would  not  ha 
fatal^o.diss^iters  alon^.  If  unwilling  to  preserve  ^^ 
of  toleration  to  its  full  extent,  the  sure  alternative  would  be  l^  «, 
qmrmg  an  cnure  uniformity  of  faith  and  discipUne.    In  him.  afa 
Papist,  It  would  be  the  only  consistent  course ;  and  besides,  were  the 
work  of  persecution  once  begun,  resistance  would  soon  push  him 
mo  extremd^  against  aU  who  presumed  to  lay  claim  to  lib«rty^' 
consaence.    The  line  oi^  demarcation  would  not  easUy  be  drawn 
b|tween  this,  and  that,  hereUcal  communion. 
4  Buonaparte,  it  may  further  he  added,  would  probab|y  be  led  bv 
lus  temper,  as  well  as  his  poUcy,  to  put  down  all  religious  disseitt 
from  the  creed  which  he  deigns  to  profess.    His  imperious  pride:" 
and  insatiable  appeute  for  domination,  would  after  the  conquest  of 
Lngland,  soon  find  no  cliange  of  the  high-flavoured  food  to  which 
they  have  been  used,  but  in  subduingthe  consciences  of  mankind.    \ 
.  The  religious  then,  of  every  denomination  among  „s  have  pecu- 
Uar  cause  to  tremble  at  the  idea  of  our  becomino.  a  pro-V-  of 
France.    The  terrible  scenes  which  were  exhibited  There  up^n'^lhe " 
revocation  of  the  edict  of  Nantz,  might  soon  be  reacted  in  England 
Uungeons  and  tortures  miffht  ba  ftmnloved  *a  o,.u^..^^  .u^  -  .!__    1 
the  fwthful  and  the  reverend  bishops  and  pastors'of  oir  chureh!' 
again  be  led  out  to  a  fiery  trial  mSmitbfield. 


'i« 


I,      i. , 


42 


Sect.  l\.    Dreaiful corrufitiontf  moraU. 

If  there  be  men,  who  without  any  concern  for  religion,  are 
really  anxious  about  the  interests  of  virtue,  let  them  also,  shudder  at 
this  prospect.  j 

The  utter  dissolution  of  morals  in  France,  is  a  fact  too  fully 
attested  to  be  disbelieved,  even  by  those  who  do  not  perceive  in  it  a 
necessary  consequence  of  general  and  open  infidelity.  Vice,  in  her 
most  licentious  forms,  abound  especially  amongst  the  French  mili- 
tary, who  would  of  course  be  our  principal  guests.  How  indeed 
could  h  be  otherwise,  among  officers  and  soldiers  educated  like  those 
"whb  now  serve  in  the  armies  of  France  ? 

Sixteen  or  seventeen  years  have  now  elapsed  since  the  founda- 
tions of  religion  and  morality  were  wholly  broken  up  in  that  coun- 
try; and  but  a  very  small  part  of  its  soldiers,  can  count  twice  as 
many  year*  from  their  cradle ;  while  a  vast  majority  of  them,  are  t<x> 
young  to  remember  any  other  than  the  present  licentious  times. 
Their  ethics  can  have  been  acquired  only  in  the  Jacobin  schools;  or 
in  the  camp.  As  pupils  ©f  experience  also,  their  lessons  have  been 
of  the  worst  sort.  They  have  seen  nothing  but  the  crimes  and  dis- 
orders of  revolution  at  home;  nothing  but  scenes  of  blood  and 
^rapacity  abroad. 

Truly  frightful  is  the  thought,  of  havmg  such  men  spread  over 
every  district  of  our  yet  happy  island,  and  executing  among  us  all 
the  functions  of  an  interior  police :  yet  such  would  certainly  be  our 
I«t.  They  would  not  only  keep  guard  in  our  cities,  but  be  quartered 
Hi  our  country  towns  and  villages,  where  few  decent  houses  would 
escape  the  pollution  of  a  private  soldier  or  two,  as  its  constant  biUet- 
ted  guests;  except  perhaps  the  mansions  of  the  village  squires,  or 
th<B  chief  inhabitants  of  the  towns,  which  might  have  the  honour  of 
receiving  the  officers. 

The  latter,  would  of  course  enter  into  every  circle  of  public  and 
private  society,  and  give  the  lead  wherever  they  appeared;  not  only 
by  the  means  of  wealth  and  splendour,  of  which  they  would  be  the 
chief  or  sole  possessors,  and  by  the  natural  confidence  of  their  cha- 
racters; but  by  the  aid  of  that  timid  and  servile  deference  which  the 
texTor  of  their  power  would  inspire.  Much  would  be  to  be  dreaded 
imm  the  direct  effects  of  their  libertinism ;  bnt  stili  more  from  their 
pestilent  ercample.  We  should  soon  become  as  vicious  as  them- 
sc^Tc;:^  ur  rsiJicr  liior*;  5G.  JLiiRc  iuc  puOi'  ciiaiuveu  Airicans  in  our 
colonies,  we  should  imitate  the  immoralities  of  our  masters,  and  add 
to  them  the  vices  of  servility. 


^iofii)  are 
Judder  at 

toofulfy 
iveinit« 
e>  in  her 
nch  mill' 
w  indeed 
ilie  those 

:  founda' 
lat  coun- 

twice  as 
1,  are  too 
(s  times, 
iools;  or 
ave  been 

and  dis- 
lood  and. 

Bad  over 
ng  us  all 
7  be  our 
uartered 
es  would 
ntbiUet' 
uires,  or 
onotir  of 

iblic  and 
not  only 
d  be  the 
eir  cha- 
htch  the 
dreaded 
Hn  their 
s  them- 
s  in  our 
and  add 


43 

-  It  would  soon  be  in  vain  to  search  for  those  modest  and  iovqly 
young  women,  who  now  captivate  our  youth;  for  .those  virtuous  '' 
matrons,  wi  o  are  the  blessings  of  our  manhood  and  our  age;  or  for 
thooe  moral  feelings  in  either  sex,  which  are  Uie  guards  of  domestic 
honour,  purity  and  happiness.     That  probity  of  character  also, 
which  has  distinguished  the  middle  ranks  of  EngUshmen,  in  com- 
mercial and  private  life,  that  abhorrence  of  falsehood  and  fraud,  in 
our  mtercourse  with  our  equate,  that  disdain  of  serviUty,  in  our  de- 
meanour towards  the  great,  that  generosity,  which,  with  one  strange 
smd  sad  exception,  gives  to  the  oppressed  an  advocate  in  every  Bri- 
tish bosom,  would  soon  be  found  no  more.    The  next  generaUon,  if 
not  the  present,  would  be  all  frenchyied,  and  debased,  even  below  the 
vile  standard  of  our  oppressors.    Yes,  Englishmen!  your  children 
would  become  in  morals,  as  weU  as  in  allegiance,  Frenchmen  I  I  caa 
say  to  you  nothing  worse. 


V    When  I  contemplate  all  these  sure  and  tremendous  conscmitn- 
ces  of  a  conquest  by  France--the  exchange  of  the  best  of  sovereigns^ 
for  the  worst  of  tyrants;  of  the  happiest  constitution  that  ever  blcs- 
sed  the  social  union  of  mankind,  for  a  rapacious  military  despotism ; 
of  the  purest  administration  of  justice  upon  earth,  for  barefaced  cor- 
ruption, unbridled  violence,  and  oppression        its  foulest  forms;  of 
unrivalled  wealth  and  prosperity,  for  unparalleled  misery  and  ryili; 
when  I  reflect  on  the  direful  means,  by  which  this  conquest  must  b^. 
accomplished,  and  the  still  more  dreadful  mean*  by  which  it  must 
be  maintained;  and  when  I  add  to  this  black  catak>gue,  the  honors 
of  religious  persecution,  and  that  general  corruption  of  morals,  which 
would  probably  ensue;    I  stand  aghast  at  the  frightful  prospect. 
«  Who  shall  Uve,"  I  could  exclwm  in  the  words  of  Scripture, «  when 
«  God  doeth  this  thing?" 

It  reminds  me  of  the  vengeance  denounced  by  prophecy  against 
the  great  commercial  city,  the  Babylon  that  is  yet  to  be  destroyed. 
«  Babylon  the  great,  is  fallen,  is  faUen,and  is  become  the  habitation  of 
«  devUs,  and  the  hold  of  every  foul  spirit,  «nd  a  cage  of  everv  uncleaiv 
«  bird.  How  much  she  hath  gloriHed  herself,  and  lived  deUciousIy^, 
«  so  much  torment  and  sorrow  give  hers  for  she  saith  in  her  hearty 
«  I  sit  a  queen,  and  am  no  widow,  and  shall  s£a  no  sditqw.  Th-i-^ 
«  fore  shaU  her  plagues  come  in  one  day;  death  and  mourning,  and 
«  famine.  And  the  merchants  of  the  earth  shall  weep  and  mourn 
«  oyer  her,  for  no  man  buyeth  tlieir  merchandiz©  any  more.    The 


44 

«  merchandize  of  gold,  and  silver,  and  precious  stones,  and  of  pearls, 
«  and  of  fine  linen,  and  purple,  and  silk,  and  scarlet,  and  all  thyme 
**  wood,  and  all  manner  of  vessels  of  most  precious  wood,  and  of 
**  brass,  and  iron,  and  marble,  and  cinnamon,  and  odours,  and  oint- 
**  ments,  and  frankincense,  and  wine,  and  oil,  and  fine  flour,  and 
«  wheat,  and  beasts,  and  sheep,  and  horses,  and  chariots,  and  slaves, 
«  and  souls  of  men,  and  the  fruits  which  thy  soul  lusted  after,  are 
«  departed  from  thee ;  and  all  things  which  were  dainty  and  goodly, 
«  are  departed  from  thee ;  and  thou  shall  find  them  no  more  at  all. 
«  The  merchants  of  these  things,  which  were  made  ricli  by  her, 
**  shall  stand  afar  off  for  the  fear  of  her  torment,  weeping  and  wail- 
«« ing,  and  saying,  alas !  alas !  that  great  city,  that  was  clothed  in  fine 
«  linen,  and.purple,  and  scarlet,  and  decked  with  gold,  and  precious 
«  stoncis,  and  pearis.  For  in  <Mie  hour,  so  great  riches  is  come  to 
«  nought.  And  every  shipmaster,  and  all  the  company  in  ships,  and 
«  sailors,  and  as  many  as  trade  by  sea,  stood  afar  off,  and  cried  when 
«  they  saw  the  smoke  of  the  burning,  saying,  what  city  is  like  unto 
«  this  ^eat  city  ?  And  they  cast  dust  on  their  heads,  and  cried,  wecp- 
«  iftg  an«3  wailing,  and  hj^mg*  alas!  alas!  that  great  city,  wherein 
•  were  matle  rich  all  that  had  ships  in  the  sea,  by  reason  of  her  cost- 
« liness;  foi  in  one  hour  is  she  made  desolate."* 

•  S««thf  18th  chapter  o£  the  Revelations.— The  author,  in  thus  availingbim- 
Self  of  the  forcible  and  awftd  language  of  in^iration,*  to  express  ideas  which  his 
mind  in  vain  labours  to  convey,  trusts  thathe  shall  not  be  accused  of  presumptuously 
inteiTjretirtg  this  propti&y,  as  predictive  of  th«  fate  of  hiscoBritry.  Me'holdsit 
Tftin,  if  not  irreverent,  .o  attempt  prospective  interpretfttk>nst>f  that  kind;  and 
fceUhi*  own  extrettie  incompetency  to  off«r,  even  omjectaipes,  on  such  a  diflkulc 
^.pnl^ack—Besides,  tlus  prophecy,  is  by  most,  if  not  all,  the  ablest  Protestantwm- 
incm^tors,  suppose4  to  relate  to  the  destruction  of  ?apal  Rome, 


W 


rU 


<t1 


PART    II. 


i,  . ,,  &f/.  1 ,     0/the  Meana  by  -tokich  these  Dafigtn  may  be  averted. 

■  V..'  .  .. 

-  THESE  painful  antidpations  would  be  worse  than  useless,  if 

^  the  sad  fate  which  seems  to  be  impending  over  the  country,  were 
?  »uch  as  no  posa&le  efforts  could  prevent. 

*       I  see  not  the  wisdom  of  propagating  alarm  without  any  ulterior 

,  ^ject;  or  for  the  sake  merely  of  discrediting  the  measures  of  a  for- 

v^t  govemmeBt.    But  if  the  pubUc  be,  as  I  concdre  it  in  geaewl 

is,  unconaciou*  of  the  true  extent  and  dreadful  character,  of  timse  ca- 

hmiucs  with  which  we  are  menaced  j  and  if  the  most  wduous  exer- 

itons,  animated  by  a  spirit  of  unbounded  devotion  to  the  cause  of  our 

^otintry,  can  alone  preserve  us  from  destruction ;  a  more  important 

%srvice  to  the  state  cannot  be  rendered,  than  to  awaken  the  people  to 

tfaeur  danger. 

«  By  a  fiitaUty  which  seems  like  the  mysterious  work  of  a  chastbing 
«l?rotidence,  the  nations  successavely  subdued  by  France,  have  had 
%o  adequate  conceptions  of  the  sad  destiny  which  awaited  them,  till 
they  have  actually  felt  the  yoke.  Some  of  them  have  wilfully 
assisted  her  in  forging  their  own  chains;  and  all  have  been  vfanting 
m  that  resolution  and  ardour,  wiA  which  so  dreadful  a  foe  ought  to  - 
have  been  resisted.  Their  governments,  perhaps,  may  have  been 
chiefly  m  fault,  but,  except  in  the  useless  struggles  of  the  brave  Ca- 
labnans  and  Tyrolese,  we  have  no  where  seen  a  popular  energy 
equal  to  the  occasion ;  but  rather  a  torpor  and  indifference  hard  to 
be  explained. 

,  It  would  seem  as  if  their  and  our  deadly  enemy  possessed,  like 
the^  rattlesnake,  whose  destructive  malignity  and  contortive  progress 
he  imitates,  the  power  of  fescinatlnn.  This  tiemics«!'.-  rs-tii^  i-^?^  - 
encumbered  with  a. rattle,  which,  like  the  despotism  of  Vapoleon**, 
gives  a  wholesome  alarm  to  all  around  him,  would  rarely  be  able  to 
destroy  the  animals  who  are  his  ordinary  victims,  if  it  were  not  for  a 


4$ 


atrangc  stupifying  iufluencc  vrhich  he  is  oble  to  exert  upon  them,  at 
soon  as  hit  fiery  eyes  have  arrested  theirs,  and  marked  them  for  d#* 
Btruction.  From  that  moment,  instead  of  frustrating,  thef  favcwif^ 
his  murderous  purpow.  Far  from  exerting  their  sure  powers  of  re* 
fiittance  or  escape,  they  await  motionless  his  approach ;  or  even  by 
an  unconscious  suicide,  rtish  u\yQn  his  fatal  fangs.  The  horrible  tor- 
tures whicli  ensue,  can  alone  awaken  them  from  the  charvn.  Tra- 
vellers confidently  assure  us,  that  not  only  the  squirrel,  the  raccoon, 
and  still  larger  animals,  Imt  even  mart  himself,  is  the  victim  of  this 
strange  fascination.  It  is  added,  that  birds  on  the  wing  are  arrested 
in  their  flight,  the  moment  their  eye  r.ieets  that  of  the  rattlesnake  on 
the  earth  below  them ;  and  that  renouncing  the  security  of  an  ele- 
ment in  which  this  deadly  enemy  cannot  reach  them,  they  drop  from 
the  air  into  his  voracious  jaws.  Of  this  last  particular  I  shrmld,  I 
.  own,  be  incredulous,  but  for  the  recollecticm  that  there  are  En^isl^ 
'imcn,  who  would,  by  making  peace  at  this  juncture,  lay  op«n  the  aea 
to  France. 

If  governments  have  been  elsewhere  blameaUe,  for  not  informing 
the  mind,  and  exciting  in  diie  time  the  active  courage  of  the  people, 
the  prodigy  is  not  lessened,  but  only  altered  In  its  form.  It  is  true, 
that  under  despotic  governments,  the  popular  spirit  can  have  few 
spontaneous  movements ;  but  «.mgs  and  ministers,  at  least,  have  been 
fascinated  by  Buonaparte  ;  and  their  superior  means  of  information^ 
add  greatly  to  the  wonder. 

In  England,  however,  the  government  and  the  people  mutually 

and  strongly  act  upon  each  other.    It  is  just  therefore  to  say,  that  a 

•    want  of  energy  in  preparing  for  our  dv?fence,  must  be  the  fault  of 

both ;  and  with  the  voice  of  an  independ»?nt,  but  loyal  Englishman,  Iv 

will 'Endeavour  to  point  out  duties  which  each  has  hitherto  nei 

#    glected. 

But  before  I  proceed  to  suggest  the  public  measures,  which  ap* 
pear  to  me  essential  to  the  salvation  of  the  country,  let  me  briefly' 
but  firmly,  protest  against  one,  which  would  greatly  aggravate  iti* 
dangers. 

Sect.  2.     Ought  we  to  make  Peace  vHth  France? 

We  lately  endeavoured  to  find  a  palliation  fo^  the  evils  of  the 
times,  by  an  immediate  termination  of  the  war;  and  happy  is  it  for 

Events  have  since  occurred,  which  seem  to  remove  all  ^ngcr  of 
the  same  attemplf  being  speedily  resumed;  and  yet  there  ar©  per- 


47 

sons,  who,  by  •  strange  invewion  of  whtt  appears  to !»«  right  reascs:- 
ing,  regard  the  ruin  of  the  couuncnt,  and  the  extrmne  aggrandize-" 
inent  of  France,  ai  arguments  for  a  mariUme  peace.  It  may  not  be 
.wholly  useless,  therefore,  to  coudemn  the  late  abortive  attempt; 
though  I  trust,  that  Auersladt,  and  the  fall  of  Prussia,  have  now 
•vinced  the  danger  of  i  line  of  policy,  which  AusterUtz,  and  the 
peace  of  Presburgh,  might  have  sufficed  to  preclude. 

To  censure  a  great  poUtieal  measure  of  the  present  able  and  en- 
Hghtened  caWnct,  is  perhaps  presumptuous  in  a  private  individual ; 
•nd  IS  a  work  which  I  perform  with  Kgret.  I  am  conscious  that  the 
awful  considerations  which  may  weigh  in  the  choice  between  a  pa- 
aBc  or  warlike  system,  cannot  be  perfectly  known  to  the  public  at 
large;  and  the  diatinguishcd  talents  now  united  in  the  ministry,  ccr- 
twnly  challenge  the  strongest  general  confidence  in  the  wisdom  of 
our  counsels.  Yet  I  dare  not  suppress,  at  this  awful  coi»;  ture,  a 
▼ery  sincere,  though  perhaps  erroneous  opinion,  that  £  iv:-  e  with4 
FWTice,  if  accomplished  by  the  late  negociatiofi^,  would  have  been 
filial  to  the  security  of  the  country. 

Unfortunately,  from  the  nature  of  our  constitution,  mmisters  are 
not  always  at  Uberty  to  foUow  that  path  of  policy  which  they  may 
deem  the  best  in  itself.  Interior  difficulties,  arising  from  parliamen- 
tary  opposition,  or  from  the  popular  voice,  may  drive  them  out  of 
that  course  which  they  would  otherwise  think  it  prudent  to  steer; 
and  in  this  instance,  it  seems  to  have  been  imagined,  that  the  public 
vp>ice  began  to  declare  for  peace.  ., 

At  the  same  Ume,  I  find  it  difficult  to  conjecture  whence  that  im- 
pression arose}  unless  from  a  natural  source  of  mistake  to  which 
great  men,  whether  in  or  out  of  office,  are  unavoidably  exposed. 
There  is  nothing  on  which  it  is  safer  to  hazard  an  opinion  in  private, 
than  the  incUnation  of  the  popular  voice;  and  a  statesman  is  not 
likely  to  hear  any  information,  hostile  to  opinions,  which  are  under-' 
stood  to  be  his  own.  In  this  case  it  certainly  was  very  generally, 
understood  that  the  new  administradon,  especially  Mr.  Fox,  and  hia* 
friends,  were  decidedly  bent  upon  peace. 

But  whatever  might  be  the  source  of  this  impression,  I  am  con- 
fidently of  opinion  that  it  was  erroneous ;  that  the  nation  at  large  was 
never  more  generally  disposed  for  the  prosecution  of  wa-;  and  that 
the  burst  of  joy  w|th  which  the  rupture  of  the  late  negociation  waa 
xeceived  at  the  Exchange,  would  have  been  echoed  from  the  remotest 
part5  5i  the  kuig^iii,  iiiia  aound,  and  its  occasion|  could  have  been 
heard  so  for.  Noi  that  the  pco0e  love,  ov  do  not  deplore  the  wal-  j  but 
that  they  wisely  despair  of  any  real  or  abiding  peao«i  and  dread  the 


tu 


• 


^IW 


# 


<♦ 
consequences  of  any  treaty  that  can  be  made  with  France  at  thb 
period.  :..,.-.,., 
*  That  there  was  not  more  reason  to  apprehend  opposition  to  a 
fleternuoed  War  system  in  parliament,  I  dare  not  s^rm;  and  feeling 
hov  much  party  spirit  is  now  to  be  deprecated,  I  venture  to  censure 
the  negocbtion  the  more  freely,  because  if  i^  was  wrm^g  to  negociate 
with  France,  it  wai>  an  error  which  the  present  oppoaitioi)  d^s  noti 
and  cannot  airaign.  The  leading  members  of  that  body,  some  of 
whom  well  deserve  the  esteem  of  their  country,  had  not  itideed  ex- 
pressly declared  fear  a  pacific  syiitemj  but  language  was  hfeld  by 
them  wiuch  plainly  ira'pUed  an  opinion,  that  peace  might  not  in^pro- 
perly  be  negociated  for  at  that  disastrous  sera,  on  what  they  called 
"  honourable  terms/* 

The  true  objections  to  the  measure  then,  as  well  as  at  the  present 
inore  awful  crisis,  apply  to  the  unavoidable  nature  and  effects  of  any 
^fpeaty  that  a)uld  be  proposed ;  not  to  its  particular  terms;  yet  we 
lieiMili  of  «  a  good  peace,"  ai:id  «  an  honourable  peace,"  as  proper  to 
be  treated  for  with  France.  For  my  part,  if  the  possibility  of  a  safe; 
peace  can  be  shewn,  I  will  heartily  admit,  be  its  articles  what  Jthey 
may,  that  it  is  good  for  my  country  in  these  evil  times;  and  m%  dis- 
honourable to  her,  but  gloiious  to  those  who  may  make  it,  But 
while  no  such  peace  is  to  be  hoped  for,  I  would  not  treat;  becaust  I 
would  not  lead  the  people  of  England  into  the  danr  'xms  error  of  sup- 
posing, that  peace  with  France,  in  her  present  a  de,  is  compatible 
with  their  safety ;  nor  would  I  lead  the  people  o  .urope  and  Mn^r 
nm  to  believe  that  England  is  of  that  ojanion.  i".     ■• 

The  great  and  insuperubie  objections  to  a  treaty  of  peace  WUfe 
Buonaparte  in  the  existmg  state  of  Europe,  are  first,  that  it  will 
enable  him  to  prepare  new  means  for  our  destructicm;  gh^condly,  thstf; 
it  cannot  abate  his  inclination  to  use  them;  and  thirdly,  that  it  caft 
'bring  us  no  pledge  or  security  whatever  against  km  pursuing  the 
most  hostile  and  treacherous  conduct. 

.'  We  have, heard  much  lately  of  the  uti  fiossidetia ;  but  this  basis^ 
from  the  offer  of  which  the  enemy  receded  in  respect  of  the  shor<J|» 
he  cannot  be  expected  to  extend  to  tlie  sea.  If  he  would  apply  it  to 
the  relative  situations  of  the  British  and  French  navies,  allowing  U8 
to  keep,thc  exclusive  liosseasion  of  the  ocean,  and  engaging  neither 
to  increase  his  marine,  nor  send  his  fleets  out  of  _port,  nor  prepare 
seamen  to  man  tliem  hereafter,  the  true  spirit  <$  the  uti  fioasideth 
uMgui  apply  to  %  present  new  ana  s=;xriiordmary  case;  in  whiph,  as 
Napd^on  hitidsii'  admits,  the  dddninum  of  the  sea  is  in  our  poapes- 
sioij ;  and  is  an  advantage  which  forms  our  <ajly  counterpoise  to  his 


f 


1^ 
trtmenduuB  continental  power.    But  since  this  application  of  tlie 
principle  cannot  be  hoped  for  or  proposed,  the  specious  teiis  for 

•  yhich  we  so  eagerly  contended,  would  in  truth  be  fallacious  and  un- 

'^liqual.  It  would  leave  to  France  all  her  present  means  of  annoyance  • 

i^^nd  soon  deprive  us  of  that  extreme  ascendency  at  sea,  which  is  our 

jphief  mean  of  defence.    It  is  like  the  equality  of  proposing  to  a  man 

that  has  a  shorter  sword  than  his  enemy,  that  each  shall  keep  his 

jpistols,  provided  he  wiU  come  out  of  the  house  in  which  he  has  taken 

'   ^elter,  or  lej;  the  door  be  open  to  both.  ,        : ' 

^  Napoleon,  however^  thought  even  this  bad  bargain  too  good  for  ua, 
when  he  found  us  ready  to  accept  it:  or  rather,  as  we  were  disposed 
to  leave  him  possessed  of  every  usurpation  in  Europe,  he  postponed 
the  agreement,  till  he  should  have  usurped  a  still  larger  share  of  the 
jliPntin^Lt;  and  thrown  down  every  remaining  outwork  by  which  wo 
might  hope  to  be  in  any  degree  covered,  when  no  longer  irresistible 
on  the  ocean.  I  doubt  not,  that  when  his  continental  enetries  shal^ 
have  been  brought  to  acquiescence  in  a  new  manufactory  uf  king^ 

,  doms,  out  of  the  ruins  of  their  power,  he  will  again  offer  to  us  the 
itti  fioa^idetia, 

V  In  yielding  to  us  the  sovereignty  of  new  colonies  and  settle- 
ments beyond  the  Atlantic,  or  in  the  extremity  of  Africa,  he  well 
ktiows  that  he  shall  give  us  no  means  of  future  security  against  his 
arms;  but  on  the  contrary,  increase  those  fatal  drain?  which  exhadst 
our  defensive  energies.  What  can  a  mm  who  wishes  to  conquer 
England,  desire  better,  than  to  give  her  new  colonies  to  garrison,  in 
the  sickly  swamps  of  Guiana;  and  new  civil  and  military  establish- 
ments to  maintain,  at  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  ?  He  professes  indeed 
ilj  place  a  great  value  on  colonies;  and  perhaps,  considering  the 
situation  of  France,  might  reasonably  do  so;  but  new  distant  terri- 
tory to  Great  Britain,  is  like  new  projections  from  the  upper  floors 
of  a  building  which  already  overhangs  its  base. 

If,  however,  Buonaparte  were  ^hort  sighted  enough  not  to  per- 
ceive that  we  should  be  enfeebled  by  such  acquisitions,  he  knows  at 
least  that  the  free  use  of  the  sea,  is  worth  to  him  a  hundred  such  co- 
lonial cessions,  as  the  uti  fioasideiis  would  give  us.  We  should  in 
effect  pay  him  a  large  compensation  for  the  spoils  of  his  allies  in  the 
colonies;  while  he  would  retain  thfi  enormous  spoils  of  our  allies  iti 
Europe,  without  paying  for  them  any  compenstion  at  all.  !  cannot 
think  therefore  t^t  he  has  receded  from  this  offered  basis,  except 
*°^  *  |hort  interval,  and  with  a  view  to  finish  his  usurpations  on  the 
continent,  before  he  accepts  our  comprehensive  sfft^ion  of  tfapm  in 
a  new  treaty  of  peace. 


^1 


<   '■'Via- 


^ 


m 


'^    Stipposing  this  basis  unsafe  for  us,  what  other  it  may  be  asked,   - 
would  be  less  so?  I  answer,  what  in  the  existing  posture  of  affairs  is 
diametrically  opposite,  the  »tatu»  quo  ante  beUuntj  for  ourselves  and 
our  allies. 

But  this,  it  may  be  exclaimed,  it  would  be  preposterous  to  ex- 
|lect  at  present  from  France.    I  admit  it,  and  therefore  it  would  be 

.  preposterous  to  expect  at  present  a  peace  safe  for  Great  Britain. 
The  impossibility  consists  in  this,  that  France  will  not  relinquish  her 
new  possessions t)n  the  continent;  and  that  therefore  Great  Britain 
cannot  safely  relinquish  her  undivided  possession  of  the  sea.  We 
cannot.do  so, -not  only  because  we  should,  by  opening  the  sea  to  our 
enemy,  enable  him  soon  to  become  a  formidable  maritime  power, 
but  because  his  usurped  empire  on  shore,  would  become  far  more 
terrible  and  irresistible  than  it  is,  were  its  commercial  communica- 

■^Agsions  restored.    We  dare  not  give  him  back  his  navigation,  and  let 

^^him  keep  all  his  new  territory  too. 

4  These  principles,  in  any  day  but  the  present,  would  have  needed 
no  demonstration.  If  we  can  safely  make  peace  with  France  in  her 
present  most  alarming  attitude,  ve  have  been  fighting  since  1792, 
and  even  in  all  our  wars  since  the  treaty  of  Ryswick,  not  only  with- 
out necessity,  but  upon  the  most  irrational  and  extravagant  views  that 
ever  governed  the  policy  of  a  nation. 

,,  To  the  argument—"  How  can  we  now  hope  to  redeem  the  con- 
tinent by  war?"  I  answer,  its  redemption  by  peace,  is  at  least  equally 
hopeless.  Let  us,  therefore,  if  the  continent  be  indeed  irrecoverably 
,  lost,  look  well  to  what  remains, — to  the  last  hope  of  Europe,  as  well 
as  our  own  nearest  interest,  the  safety  of  the  British  islands.  There 
was  a  time  perhaps,  when  it  itight  have  been  more  prudent  to  open 
the  sea  to  Francfe,  leaving  her  in  a  state  of  great  continental  aggran- 
dizement, than  to  risque  her  pushing  her  conquests  still  further,  if 
that  could  have  been  prevented  by  any  pacific  conventicms  that  we 
had  power  to  make,  for  ourselves  and  our  allies ;  but  if  there  was 
^  ever  a  proper  season  for  such  policy,  it  plainly  exists  no  longer;  and 
this,  not  only  because  our  enemy  has  shewn  that  no  confidence  can 
be  placed  in  any  treaty  which  opposes  his  thirst  of  universal  empire ; 
but  because  it  may  now  fairly  be  doubted,  whether  any  further  in- 
crease lof  his  dominions,  would  really  add  to  his  po'^er. 

'  For  my  own  part,  however  singular  the-  o^ion  may  leem,  I 

should  have  letrs  apprehension  of  danger  from  the  arms  of  Napoleon, 
if  th©  reniaihin^  territories  of  Prussia,  and  Austria,  and  even  the  im- 
mense domains  of  Russia  and  Turkey,  were  added  to  his  conquests, 
t^     than  I  feel  at  tlie  present  moment.    At  sea^  the  acquisition  of  every 


SI 


:-  If     . 


bottom  stiU  friendly  to  this  country,  would  not  now  enable  hip  tQ 
cope  with  ua:  and  on  shore  he  has  power  enough  already  for  our  de- 
•truction,  when  it  can  be  brought  into  actbn  against  us.    The  mo- 
inentum  of  the  vast  machine,  on  its  present  scale,  is  more  than  we  can 
*  hope  finaUy  tc  resist:  but  every  enlargement  of  its  dimensions,  and 
multipUcauon  of  its  mtricate  movements,  increases  its  tendencies  io 
interior  derangement;  and  therefore,  without  adding  to  our  imme. 
diate  peril,  improves  our  chance  of  escape.  Buonaparte  has  hitherto 
been  so  astomshingly  prudent  or  fortunate,  that  we  naturally  begin 
to  doubt  whether  :here  be  any  thing  too  difficult  for  him  to  accom- 
phsh ;  but  his  power  is  already  composed  of  so  many  discordant  ele- 
i|»ents,  that  their  cohesion  is  truly  wonderful:  and  as  he  proceeds, 
he  is  gaming  at  double  or  quits.    Even  the  large  armies,  which  he 
has  to  station  in  so  many  conquered  countries,  wiU  soon  be  very  diffi- 
cult to  govern.   They,  or  their  generals,  will  probably  recoUect,  that 
the  Roman  legions  bestowed  the  purple,  as  well  as  kept  the  pro.| 
vmces  m  subjection;  and  revolutions  in  tiiis  extraoKiinary  age  move 
with  a  celerity  of  which  history  has  no  example. 

But  if  it  be  stiU  thought  that  we  have  cause  to  dread  the  further 
extension  of  French  empire  on  the  continent,  it  is  a  danger  against 
which  peace  can  furnish  no  degree  of  security.  Napoleon  wiU  not 
treat  ouf  mediation  or  remonstrances  now,  with  more  deference  tiian 
he  did  after  the  treaty  of  Amiens. 

I     I  conclude,  therefore,  that  in  relaxing  by  a  peace,  that  naval  and 
commercial  embargo  to  which  the  enemy  is  now  subjected  by  our 
fleets,  and  enabling  hipi  thereby  to  replenish  his  treasury,  and  res- 
tore  his  marine,  we  should  incur  very  formidable  new  dangers,  witji- 
out  at  all  diminishing  the  old.    We  should  not  check,  but  accelerate, 
the  growth  of  his  tremendous  power  on  the  continent;  while  we 
should  give  him  the  opportunity  of  building  that  bridge  for  it  to  the 
British  islands  which  is  now  happily  wanting. 
,,    If  peace  would  not  diminish  the  power  of  Napoleon  to  prepare 
means  fpr  the  conquest  of  England,  still  less  would  it  remove  his 
present  hostility  to  our  independence  and  freedom. 
.  1    In  truth,  it  is  impossible,  that  he  should  ever  cease  to  regard  our 
subjugation  as  the  first  and  most  necessary  object  of  his  policy.  His 
throne  cannot  be  stable,  while  civil  Uberty  remains  unsubverted  in 
any  part  of  Euro^ ;  and  though  freedom  is  every  where  the  objeci 
of  hia  l«at»'ed  OP'S  At-^aA    «>a»  :*  :_  ..^-t:— « •__  »^^_»i  •     ._  i_" •_  _  ; 

With  such  a  neighbour  as  the  British  constitution,  he  knows  that  hi« 
military  despotism  can  never  cease  to  be  invidious  and  odious  in 
f'Vance. 


# 


* 


■  — S^^™ 


^-  f:^?''^^®^  ,i^^(2i- 


%. 


:  ,^f' 


'^'. 


..V   -,:     .      -i. 


,  Equally  impossible  is  it,  that  new  subjefeti  of  cdfi 
not  soon  and  often  arise.  Already  he  justly  foresees  one  of  them, 
which  he  is  by  no  means  prepared  to  tolerate,  in  the  freedom  of  our 
press ;  and  therefore  has  modestly  proposed  its  abolition  by  act  of  par- 
liament,as  essential  even  to  that  temporary  peace,  which  he  is  willing, 
for  his  own  purposes,  to  accord  to  us.  If  he  did  not  press  that  demand 
as  an  indispensible  condition  of  the  treaty  lately  projected,  it  only 
proves  the  more  clearly,  that  he  either  was  insincere  in  negociating 
for  a  peace,  or  meant  to  make  use  of  it  as  a  mere  stratagem  the  bet- 
tj^r  to  insure  our  destruction . 

But  supposing  that  he  really  means  to  live  in  peace  with  a  coun- 

j    try  whose  news-writers  shall  dare  to  divulge  and  arraign  his  crimes* 

i    it  is  an  intention  to  which  he  would  be  incapable  of  adhering.    He 

is  not  less  proud  or  irascible  now,  than  before  he  had  assumed  the 

'^  title  of  Emperor,  or  won  the  battle  of  Austerlitz ;  and  yet  during  the 

last  peace,  he  resented  with  great  indignation  the  censures  of  our 

press. 

What  then  is  to  be  dope  ?  He  disdsdned  in  the  case  of  M.  Peltier 
the  satisfaction  of  a  prosecution  at  law;  nor  would  he  consent  to  disi 
I  tinguish  between  strictures  such  as  our  courts  might  deem  libellous, 
and  those  remarks  upon  his  public  conduct,  which  might  be  within 
the  strictest  limits  of  allowable  public  discussion.  We  know  his  sys- 
tem of  government  for  the  press,  and  the  policy  on  which  it  is  found- 
ed. Nothing,  according  to  his  maxims,  ought  to  be  published,  where- 
";  by  a  tyrant  may  be  rendered  deservedly  odious  at  home,  or  a  coH^ 
queror  be  obstructed  in  his  schemes  against  the  independency  of 
foreign  nations.  Even  political  rumours  in  conversation  are  with 
him  capital  crimes.  When  it  was  lately  reported  in  Hanover,  that 
9  Russian  army  was  marching  for  that  country,  the  French  governor 
publicly  announced  that  such  rumours  were  by  the  law  of  France, 
punished  with  death.  '* 

We  know  too,  by  Mr.  Palm's  case,  with  what  vengeance  Napo- 
leon pursues  the  offences  of  a  foreign  press,  when  he  has  the  power 
to  punish.  To  proclaim  in  a  neutral  country,  the  dangers  with  which 
Europe  is'menaced  by  his  ambition,  is  with  him  an  atrocious  crime ; 
?»nd  entitles  him  to  trample  on  the  rights  of  nations,  as  well  as  of  in- 
dividuals, in  order  to  avenge  it.  Are  we  prepared  then  to  prohibit 
our  press  from  divulging  even  such  enormities  of  this  man's  coil» ' 

Attts^     OB    If    moir    nrtncf   V,.o\\i\va    tVio    rK>r\nI«  f\f  KnorlnpH  tn   IcTtQW  ?     Tf  nnf. 

•Vi^avrtj  z*,-^   sr    ••"-'     rr ■-  j  •--  ^,-      -       -  --   -         -  ~r 

what  hope  of  abiding  peace  with  Buonaparte  ?  '^■• 

I  will  not  insist  on  the  danger  of  quarrels  on  account  of  his  fit- 

ture  outrages  against  other  nations,  and  his  usurpaticms  of  new  king- 


Y . 


t 


doms  and  cotenies  in  time  of  peace ;  for  to  all  this  we  must  of  course, 
be  prepared  to  submit.  It  would  be  grossly  inconsistent  to  go  to^ 
war  again  for  such  causes,  if  we  make  peace  at  the  present  junc- 
ture;  nor  would  the  people  of  England  be  easily  brought  to  engage 
again  in  a  foreign  quarrel,  when  persuaded  that  the  moat  enormou* 
-•ggrandizement  of  France  is  compatible  with  their  own  peace  arid 
security.  Buonaparte,  therefore,  must  be  left  to  act  as  he  did  after 
the  treaty  of  Amiens ;  and  to  take  if  he  pleases  the  rest  of  the  world, 
as  the  price  of  abstaining  awhile  from  war  against  the  British  doxni- 
nions. 

^     But  our  commerce,  and  our  navigation,  would  become  sure  sub- 
jects of  early  dispute,  unless  we  were  willing  tamely  to  submit,  to 
injuries  fatal  to  our  trade,  to  our  revenue,  and  maritime  power. 
,      It  is  impossible,  when  we  consider  Napoleon's  maxims  of  com- 
thercial  policy,  to  doubt  that  he  will  avail  himself,  as  soon  as  the 
seals  open,  of  all  his  enormous  power  and  influence,  to  exclude  us  ' 
by  means  of  treaties,  and  of  municipal  laws,  not  only  from  France, 
but  from  every  other  country  in  Europe,  to  the  government  of  which 
he  can  dictate.    With  a  sincerity  unusual  to  him,  he  has  already 
pretty  plainly  intimated  that  such  will  be  his  pacific  system,  by  pro- 
testing, in  &mine,  when  he  began  to  negotiate,  against  every  stipula- 
tion in  favour  of  our  commerce.    He  Would  have  no  commercial 
treaties  witii  us  whatever. 

And  here  I  must  own  myself  quite  at  a  loss  to  comprehend  the 
views  of  those,  who  regard  the  interests  of  our  commerce  and  ma- 
nufactures, as  considerations  on  the  side  of  peace.  That  such  is  not 
the  opinion  of  our  merchants  in  general,  is  well  known ;  and  yet  they 
judge  perhaps  only  from  the  necessary  effects  o'"  a  free  peace  com* 
petition  against  them,  under  the  present  great  disadvantages  of  the 
country,  without  taking  into  the  account  the  unfair  preferences  and 
exclusions,  to  be  systematically  opposed  to  them  in  foreign  coun- 
tries. 

Who  that  attentively  considers  the  Apirit  of  Napoleon's  late  de- 
cree againn  our  commerce,  can  be  insensible  to  the  danger  of  his 
acting  on  the  same  principle  in  time  of  peace?  He  might  then  pem 
haps  find  means  to  carry  into  effect,  what  he  now  impotently  threat.^ 
ens.     The  necessities  of  his  subjects,  and  of  the  subjects  of  his 

allies  and  dependents,  will  secure  to  us  their  custom  during  war,  in 
snit-e  rtf  iiio  r..u>u:k:t.:^..> .  e i^. «  _ •    •  _ 

•  ~"     ~  j--t --■:;i-_"-,i"::=  ,   iTsi  ii  uaiiSJUi  Go  aUppuScu  ihai  Oiir  govern* 

ment  will  omit  to  employ  the  obvious  means  of  counteracting  them. 
I  hope  rather  that  we  shall  embrace  the  fair  opportunity  which  it  af- 
fords of  asserting  more  firmly  our  maritime  rights,  and  thereby  giv- 


l 


«l 


,     t 


'■* 


iflg  new  vigour  to  Brkiah  oomiDerce.  But  when  we  shall  have  no 
longer  the  power  of  opposing  to  regulati(»is  cm  shore,  the  pressure 
of  owr  hostUities  by  sea;  when  th«  sh^pn  of  France,  Spain,  Holland, 
Genoa,  aiKl  Venice,  and  all  the  other  maritime  countries  now  hostile 
to  us,  shaU  be  able  to  navigate  without  interruption,  on  eveiy  voyage, 
and  with  every  species  of  merchandize ;  the  same,  interdict  on  our 
trade,  in  the  inoffensive  form  of  municipal  laws,  may  produce  the 
desired  effect,  and  gradually  exclude  us  from  almost  all  the  ports  of 
Europe. 

Commerce,  it  is  true,  will  force  its  way  in  spite  of  prohibitions, 
where  the  demand  and  the  profits  sufficiently  excite  the  enterprize 
of  the  merchant;  but  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  the  manufectures 
and  trade  of  this  country,  under  the  extreme  pressure  of  our  public 
burthens,  will  long  retain  inherent  energy  enough  in  the  comparative 
cheapness  and  skill  with  which  they  are  conducted,  to  supplant  other 
maritime  nations,  in  their  own,  or  neighbouring  markets ;  and  if  by 
9  hostile  system  which  we  cannot  retaliate,  they  shall  be  further  en- 
cumbered with  all  the  disadvantages  and  risks  of  a  contraband  car- 
riage, while  our  rivals  cah  trade  safely,  and  with  every  encourage- 
ment that  commercial  laws  can  afford,  I  see  not  how  we  can  hop© 
long  to  maintain  the  unequal  contest.  In  this  view,  the  comparison 
between  peace  and  war  is  plain  and  simple.  Napoleon  is  fully  re- 
solved to  deprive  us  of  the  commerce  of  the  continent;  but  in  war, 
he  has  the  inclinaticm  without  the  power;  in  peace  he  will  have  both. 
He  holds  the  continental  gates  of  the  market ;  but  in  war  we  com- 
mand all  the  roads  that  lead  to  it,  and  can  therefore  starve  him  into 
the  admission  of  our  trade :  In  peace,  the  rou  s  will  be  free  to  him, 
and  he  will  still  command  the  gates. 

Let  me  not  be  understood  to  propose  commercial  advantages  as 
motives  of  war ;  but  when  the  question  is  of  abandoning  a  contest,  on 
a  firm  perseverance  on  which  our  liberty  and  national  existence  may 
depend,  from  the  dread  of  ruin  to  our  manufactures  and  trade  j  it  is 
right  to  consider  how  these  would  be  affected  by  peace.  Let  it  be 
shewn  therefore  what  reason  we  have  to  hope,  that  Buonaparte  would 
be  disposed  to  spare  them.  He  must  willingly  abstain  in  this  res- 
pect from  lawful  means  of  depressing  a  rival,  or  we  should  probably 
soon  have  to  choose  between  the  ruin  of  our  commerce,  and  the  re- 
^mmencement  of  war. 

The  last,  and  most  decisive  objection  to  peace,  is  that  Napoleon 
cleapiy  caruiui  be  iriiaicu;  aiiu  has  now  so  complete!)'  broken  down 
the  balance  of  Europe,  that  he  has  no  guarantee  to  offer  to  us  for  his 
observance  of  any  treaty  that  he  may  make. 


That  he  is  faithless,  is  sufficiently  tiotorious;  and  what  is  worse, 
he  feels  no  restraint  from  a  rt-gard  to  qharacter,  but  is  on  the  contrary, 
vain  of  his  fraudful  policy.  This  trait  in  the  character  of  that  extraor- 
dinary  man,  has  not,  in  tny  apprehension,  excited  aU  the  attention  that 
it  dcsefves;  for  it  is  in  a  high  degree  curious  and  important.  Othe* 
conquerors  have  been  perfidious;  but  I  can  recollect  no  instance  of 
any  other  sovereign,  who  was  proud  and  ostentatious  of  his  contempt 
tor  truth  and  justice,  both  in  the  cabinet  and  in  the  field. 

To  the  intelligent  reader,  instances  of  this  peculiarity  in  Napo^ 
eon,  may  perhaps  readily  occur.  The  Egyptian  expedition,  a  crea- 
ture  of  his  own,  abounded,  from  first  to  last,  with  proofs  of  it.   His 
dispatches,  under  a  thin  veil  of  expression,  too  flimsy  even  to  de». 
teive  the  lowest  of  the  vulgar,  and  used  only  io  make  his  address 
conspicuous,  informed  France  and  Europe  of  that  foul  perfidy,  with 
which  nations  at  peace  with  the  republic,  Turks,  Mamelukes,  and 
»^s,  were  alternately  cajoled  and  deceived.     The  sanguinary 
tneansof  eonquest,  were  also  coolly  narrated;  and  Denon,  in  his 
account  of  the  expedition  to  Upper  Egypt,  published  at  Paris  under 
the  auspices  of  Buonaparte  himself,  needlessly  enlarges  upon  the 
barbarities  committed  by  the  French  army  in  the  villages  of  the  mi- 
serablc  Cophts,  as  if  they  added  to  the  honours  of  his  patron 
i^  He  took  care  also  that  his  impious  hypocrisy  in  that  comitry, 
should  be  perfectly  understood  in  France.    His  open  disavowal  of 
Christ,  m  his  proclamations  to  a  Mahometan  people,  and  his  as- 
sumption  of  the  name  of  Ali,  to  countenance  the  pretence  of  his 
being  a  convert  to  their  faith,  appeared,  if  I  remember  right,  in  his 
official  dispatches,  as  well  as  in  his  Egyptian  state  papers;  and  it  is 
probable,  th^t  the  desire  of  being  admired  for  his  address  at  home, 
more  than  the  hope  of  any  direct  benefit  from  the^heat  among  the 
Mussuhnans,  was  the  motive  of  that  vile  expedient. 

His  late  elaborate,  though  contemptuous,  answer  to  the  Prussian 
manifesto,  is  evidently  an  instance  of  similar  conduct.  The  absurd 
policy  into  which  he  had  long  betrayed  the  unfortunate  monarch,  is 
artfully  pointed  out  to  the  notice  of  every  observant  reader ;  ^d 
those  measure  which  were  the  result  of  a  fatal  complaisance  for, 
and  confidence  m  the  usurper  himself,  are  held  up  as  having  ex- 
posed their  credulous  and  simple  author  to  the  distrust  and  hatred 
ot  Austna,  and  thereby  prepared  his  fall.  «• 

In  publishing  Sebastiani'y  renort^  he  -y-vf..  s-~~.j?-.-^  *.-.  ».? 
Pitt's  observation,  a  greater  cause  of  war  than'even'ihe'lnsidious 
mission  of  that  agent  J  and  yet  it  ,.a8  evidently  published,  not  for  the 
sake  of  insulting  the  powers  with  which  he  was  then  at  peace,  but 


'(■■■I 


ft' 


\ 
\ 


w 


for  the  sake  of  exhibiting  his  state-craft>  ancl  contempt  for  the  i 
gatk>n  of  treaties. 

Other  instances  not  less  striking,  might  be  found  in  his  Euro- 
pean  policy  ;  and  if  so  strange  a  singularity  of  cliaracter  were  still 
fkiubtful,  we  might  borrow  a  still  stronger  illustration  of  it /rom  a 
case  well  known  in  the  West  Indies;  and  which,  though  tittle  nO' 
ticed  in  this  country,  was  recorded  in  the  Paris  gazettes.  I  mean 
not  the  well-known  treachery  towards  Toussaint,  but  the  treatment 
of  Pelage,  the  chief  leader  in  Guadaloupe,  and  the  black  army  under 
htis  command. 

The  negroes  in  that  island,  remained  perfectly  quiet  and  obe- 
dient  to  their  masters,  through  the  most  trying  revolutionary  times, 
till  Victor  Hugues,  and  his  brother  commissioners,  arrived  with  a 
decree  for  their  enfranchisement,  in  the  summer  of  1794;  and  by 
their  help,  reconquered  the  island  from  the  British  army,  to  which 
it  had  surrendered.  From  that  time  to  the  peace  of  Amiens,  the 
new  citizens  not  only  defended  the  island  for  France,  when  she  had  no 
other  possession  left  in  the  Antilles,  but  enabled  her  to  do  infinite 
mischief  to  the  neighbouring  British  colonies;  and  powerfully  divert- 
ed, our  arms  and  treasure  from  the  European  contest,  at  the  most 
critical  period  of  the  war.  a*{  n-  i|  4,* 

Interior  subordination  and  good  conduct,  accompanied  these 
important  services ;  and  Buonaparte  himself  on  the  restitution  of 
peace,  pubUcly  praised  these  black  patriots,  whose  freedom  was 
then  anew  most  solemnly  guaranteed  by  the  state,  and  by  himself, 
for  having  maintained  the  island  in  a  state  of  great  agricultural  va- 
lue. He  added,  by  way  of  apology  to  the  planters,  that  "  it  would 
"cost  humanity  too  much  to  attempt  there,  a  new  revolution."  At 
the  same  moment,  however,  he  sent  a  new  governor.  La  Crosse, 
with  an  army,  to  restore  slavery  and  the  cartwhip ;  and  that  officer 
was  pi'oceeding  to  execute  his  instructions,  when  the  negroes,  under 
Pelage  their  chief  leader,  resisted,  and  drove  him  from  the  island*; 
,3  They  acted,  nevertheless,  with  the  utmost  humanity  and  mode>- 
ration ;  and  sent  a  very  loyal  address  to  the  chief  consul,  humbly 
justifying  their  conduct,  imputing  the  strange  attempt  of  La  Crosse 
to  a  breach  of  his  orders,  and  offering  to  receive  dutifully  any  other 
governor  whom  the  republic  might  chuse  to  send.  Napoleon  took 
them  at  their  word ;  and  Richepanse,  whom  he  sent  out  with  new 
and  mpst  solemn  declarations  that  liberty  should  be  inviolably  main- 

«<rt«rk^vr1     wna  vuk#.AiirArl  Kir   T^aIqcva  ork/i  fno  r*Ki^f  rukl.!*  f\7    nta  K1a/*lr   aTmnar 
lintlt-!-,    rrv:^  T-^-^.-j,-.".-;  ■■-     -  „  --  -    j      .-—     - —  -j 

with  all  the  honours  due  to  the  representative  of  the  republic.    A 
part  however  of  the  negro  army,  being  less  credulous  after  what 


ttiey  had  recently  witn*,«sed,  refused  to  obey  hiserderl^lt^  which. 
Pdage  marched  his  loyal  troops  ag:ain9t  them,  and  after  several 
Woody  conflicts,  completely  suppressed  all  resistance  to  the  autho- 
my  of  the  new  governor.    The  last  body  of  the  disaffected  negro 
soldiery  that  held  out,  consisting  of  some  hundreds,  took  shelter  ili, 
a  fort,  and  when  they  found  it  no  longer  tenable  against  their  nume- 
^us  and  brave  assailants,  followed  a  memorable  example  of  ancient 
resolution  ,n  the  cause  of  Uberty,  by  setting  fire  to  their  magazine. 
•  fhe  explosion,  not  only  saved  every  one  of  these  intrepid  men  from 
the  whips  of  the  driven.,  but  was  fatal  to  many  of  their  brave  deluded 
brethren,  who  were  approaching  to  storm  the  walls. 

Buonaparte,  in  his  gazette  account,  paid  a  very  high  tribute  of 
praise  to  the  astonishing  gallantry  of  Pelage  and  his  black  battalions, 
by  whom  such  determined  enemies  had  been  subdued.    But  what 
m^  their  immediate  reward?  To  be  treacherously  divided,  seized  at 
their  different  posts  by  surprize,  sent  on  board  transports,  and,  as 
was  supposed  in  the  neighbouring  islands,  drowned  at  sea.     The 
only  reason  for  imagining  that  the  report  of  their  being  destroyed  in 
thut  mode,  may  not  have  bfn  universally  time,  is  that  at  the  com- 
mencement  of  the  present  war,  an  article  appeared  in  some  French 
news-papers,  importing  that  Pelage  was  set  at  liberty  from  a  prison 
in  France;  but  it  was  probably  only  designed  to  inspire  a  fear  into 
our  government,  that  this  brave  leader  might  again  be  employed  to 
annoy  usin  the  Antilles:  for  neither  he,  nor  his  exiled  followers, 
have  since  been  heard  of. 

I  do  not  cite  this  case  for  the  very  needless  purpose  of  shewing 
that  Buonaparte  is  perfidious  in  the  highest  degree,  but  to  prove  that 
he  IS  proud  of  that  quaUty ;  for  this  unparalleled  instance  of  fraud 
and  ingratitude,  though  notorious  in  the  West  Indies,  would  pro- 
bably  never  have  been  fully  known  in  Europe,  if  he  had  chosen  to 
conceal  it;  and  he  had  actually  concealed  the  cause  of  the  expulsion 
ot  La  Crosse,  together  with  the  loyal  address  of  Pelage  and  his  coun- 
trymen,  for  the  sake  of  suppressing  the  disgraceful  result  of  his  first 
attempt  on  negro  liberty  in  Guadaloupe,  till  he  received  accounts  of 
he  success  of  his  second  perfidious  stratagem.    But  as  soon  as  he 
learnt  from  Richepanse,  that  all  the  miUtary  negroes  were  destroved, 
and  their  unamied  cuhivators  in  his  power,  he  filled  the  columns  ot 
the  Monitetir  with  their  address,  though  then  several  months  old , 
and  a  few  days  after,  announced  aU  the  events  that  followed ;  relatincr 
wo;:,  ,ne  af  i^«  and  deportation  ot  Pelage  and  his  troops,  without 
even  accusing  them  of  a  fault,  or  suggesting  any  other  excuse,  for 
tbat  unexampled  perfidy  of  which  they  were  the  victims. 


Sticli  if  the  maOf  whose  good  faith  muftt  now  be  our  pnly  lecur 
Tit^  Scr  ««w  nsMutiuniug  tus  ctuue^  wf  pvoCci  or  obssFviij^syiq  c<iij|j|^i* 
tions  of  treaties.  Were  he,  whUe  bound  by  pacific  conventions  to 
Ua,  sudden^  to  l»nd  »n  »r«ay  in  Irtland  or  Great  Britain,  he  would 
mher  boast  of,  than  blush  fpr,  the  stj^tagcm.  Much  less  vrauld  he 
be  ashamed  of  |naidioug)y  stirring  up  against  us  new  and  dangerous 
vara  in  India,  for  which  he  would  immediately  prepare,  when 
the  Bea  should  be  no  longer  impervious  to  his  emissaries  and  his 
troops. 

The  dilSculties  of  making  peaee  with  enemies  of  a  faithless  cha- 
racter, have  hei:etQfore  been  commonly  obviated  or  lessened,  by  the 
mediation  and  guarantee  of  powerful  neutral  states;  or  where  these 
have  not  thought  fitxlii-ectly  to  interfere,  a  treaty  has  still  been  held 
the  less  insecure,  because  other  nations  likely  to  censure,  perhaps 
to  assist  in  avenging,  wiy  flagrant  act  of  perfidy,  were  privy  to  the 
compact.  But  France,  having  left  in  the  civilized  world  no  indcr 
pendent  power  but  England  at  all  capable  of  annoying  her,  has  no 
longer  any  thing  to  fear,  i)or  have  we  any  thing  to  hope,  from  the 
interference  of  other  states. 

Is  tliere  any  reason  then  to  expect  that  the  sense  of  self  interest, 
f»  the  political  maxima  of  Napoleon,  will  lead  him  to  adhere  to  bis 
pacific  engagements?  On  the  contrary,  were  his  revenge  and  hatred 
towards  us,  and  even  his  dread  of  the  example  of  our  civil  liberty, 
jenioved,  still  he  would  feel  it  necessary  to  crush  a  power  which  so 
otetinately  opposes  the  march  of  his  ambition. 

It  is  a  common  error,  of  which  we  find  many  fatal  examples  in 
Wstory,  to  suppose  that  a  mind  inflamed  with  the  lust  of  conquest 
and^ominbn,  has  set  certain  bounds  to  its  desires;  and  that  by 
allowing  it  the  quiet  possession  of  present  usurpations,  it  will  be 
sated  and  become  quiescent.    As  well  might  we  exis^ct  the  flames 
.    to  subside,  because  the  conflagration  is  already  enormous,  while 
•    there  is  fresh  fuel  within  reach  of  their  spires.    The  prodigbus 
jUsqent  of  Buonaparte,  is  al<H)e  a  sure  earnest,  that  he  will  never  rest, " 
while  it  is  possible  to  mount  any  higher — A  mighty  monarch,  who 
inherited  his  throne  from  his  ancestors,  may  greatly  aggrandize  him- 
self by  conquest  perhaps,  without  giving  decisive  proof  of  an  arobi- 
lpi<^  afesfti^t«ly  t^undless;  but  what  can  be  capable  of  satisfying  the 
1*|IW»  **^Wb^  suddenly  elevated  from  a  private  station,  to  the 
throne  of  the  Bourbons,  wid  possessed  of  a  dominion  greater  by  far 
than  the  Bourbons  ever  possessedi' could  not  for  a  moment  be  con- 
|ei}t.'  It  is  not  enough  for  him,  that  his  ovro  brows  are  bound  with 
an  imperial  diadfijga.—^Il9  muM;  sot  crowms  also  w  the  heads  of  all 


his  near  relations  and  connectiohs.  N«v  hi.  f^^A.  —  j  i-x««^^- 
must  be  ra,«=d  to  the  rank  of  princes,  and  placed  on  a  level  with  the 
inost  ,1  ustnous  house,  of  Eumpe.  Is  it  in  nature  that  ambition  like 
this,  will  evef  respect  any  limits  over  which  it  i.  possible  to  vault? 
What  human  passion  wa*  erer  diminished  by  exce«,ive  indul- 
Sed?  '*"'  ^''*''  ""^  *"*  "'°''  *^*'"""'*  graUfication  r,^- 

Let  it  be  recollected  that  the  appetite  of  a  conqueror  is,  not  to 
enjoy  dominion,  brt  to  acquire  and  extend  it ;  or  rather,  to  find  iif 
that  favourite  work,  new  sources  of  military  fame.  He  value.  • 
kingdom  after  it  is  subdued,  no  more  than  the  sportsman  a  fox  or 
hare,  after  u  »  run  down :  the  pleasure  is  in  the  pursuit.  Alexan- 
^r  ""derstood  this,  though  his  friend  Parmeniadid  not,  when  Da. 

rwtf  *""  ^^"^™°"'  '°  '""'^  *^«  ''''^  *^«ther  with  hi. 

St  J"  "J^^^'/I'^oUld  accept  the  proposal,"  said  the 

.  i?!::^iS:Le,:;:r'^'"""^^ 

L  '"  a  word,  when  we  consider  attentively  the  pecuUar  force  of 
tbis  destructive  passion,  in  the  breast  of  Buonaparte,  and  the  absti- 
nence  from  its  gratification  which  must  be  the  price  of  a  durable 
peace  with  England,  his  personal  feelings,  still  more  than  his  in- 
terest  or  his  policy,  render  his  adherence  to  a  paciBc  system  utterly 
hopeless.  ' 

^  For  these  reasons,  as  well  as  others,  the  poHcy  of  treating  with 
!•  ranee  at  the  present  conjuncture,  is  by  no  means  like  that  which 
prevailed  at  the  close  of  the  last  war.  The  treaty  of  Amiens,  was, 
I  then  thought,  and  still  think,  a  wise  and  laudable  measure. 
Buonaparte  had  not  then  given  unequivocal  proof  that  he  was  actua- 
ted  by  views  incompatible  with  a  true  or  lasting  peace.  On  the 
contrary,  there  was  reason  to  hope  that  he  desired  to  build  his  future 
tame,  and  his  domestic  authority,  on  that  popular  foundation.    Be- 

'"^^M  !*;'u."°''^'"  ^^"'•^"^  the  republican  government,  and 
estabhshed  his  ppwer  upon  the  basis  of  an  absolute  monarchy.  The 
popular  voice  in  France  therefore  was  likely  to  be  respected,  and  it 
was  decidedly  in  fevour  of  peace. 

At  the  same  time  it  seemed  highly  probable,  that  the  strengUi 
of  the  republic,  if  r^t  her  warlike  aisposiiion,  would  decline,  when 
the  pressure  of  foreign  hostilities  should  be  removed,  and  her  dis- 
cordant  interior  elements  be  left  to  their  natural  motion.    These 

-...-__  j.^  ..„^  „^^^,  ^  oBhamed  oi  erroneous  calculati<»is 

on  such  subjects;  for  the  extraordinary  course  of  events  has  placed 
the  most  heedless  rashness,  and  most  cautious  circumspection,  in 


6# 


4 


political  judgment,  nearly  on  a  level.  Now  however,  the  character 
sbm  system  o»  jjUGnaparte  are  u'-come  iiiHtters  not  of  speculation 
but  experience,  while  his  power  seems  to  be  irreversibly  established: 
conaeqiiently  the  hopes  1^hich  justified  the  treaty  of  Amiens,  could 
not  now  be  rationally  admitted,  even  if  tiie  state  of  Europe  were 
e(|ually  favourable  to  peace. 

But  the  most  important  disUnction  between  that  case  and  the 
present,  is  to  be  found  in  the  much  altered,  and  now  deplorable 
Stat*  cf  the  continent.  The  great  military  powei-s,  our  natural  al- 
^  lies,  were  then  lef^  in  a  condition  to  keep  in  check  the  ambition  nf 
France,  by  a  timely  union;  and  in  this  we  had  some  apparent  se- 
curity for  her  future  moderation,  which  is  now  entirely  lost. 

In  this  lespect,  the  case  is  most  decisively  altered  for  the  worbe, 
even  since  the  late  negociation  at  Paris.  Neither  the  example 
therefore  of  the  administration  which  treated  at  Amiens,  nor  that  of 
the  present  cabinet  and  Mr.  Fox,  would  afford  any  sanction  for  n 
new  exiifriment  upon  the  good  faith  and  moderation  of  France^  after 
the  battle  of  Auerstadt,  and  the  total  ruin  of  Prussia. 
•  Stirely  the  ungrateful  treatment  of  that  power,  will  convince  us 
of  the  extreme  folly  of  hoping  to  conciliate  Napoleon  by  a  timid 
pacific  system.  If  not,  we  shall  give  a  more  striking  instarrce  than 
has  yet  been  exhibited  of  that  infatuation  which  prepares  for  him 
his  victims ;  since  England  has  at  present  a  security  in  war,  that 
neither  Prussia  nor  Austria  possessed. 

Such  are  my  reasons  for  thinking  that  a  peace  with  Buonaparte, 
would  not  lessen,  but  aggravate  our  dangers. — Those  who  maintain 
the  contrary,  are  pridently  sparing  of  explanations.  They  hold  it 
enough  to  spread  before  our  eyes  the  dangers  and  inconveniences 
of. war,  without  shewing  how  they  are  to  be  diminished  by  peace;  o!- 
what  possible  hope  we  have,  that  any  peace  we  can  make  will  be 
lasting. 

In  a  view  to  finances  indeed,  they  say,  how  are  we  long  to  carry 
on  the  war? — I  admit  the  difficulty,  but  retort  the  question,  how  are 
we  to  carry  on  tlie  peace  ? 

Dares  any  n  'nister  promise  us  a  peace  which  will  so  far  deliver 
us  from  the  necessity  of  defensive  precautions,  as  greatly  to  diminish 
our  expenses  ? — But  to  juaufy  a  negociatitm  in  this  view,  its  advocates 
should  go  much  farther,  and  shew,  that  contrary  to  the  calculations 
of  our  merchants,  peace  will  make  no  shrink  in  our  commercial 
revenue  ;  otherwise  the  diminution  of  import  and  export  dutiesys 
may  be  more  than  equal  to  any  possible  saving  of  expenditure. 
Some  statesmen  are  said  to  assert,  that  we  may  by  persevering  ia 


the  aystcm  of  finance,  dttabHshed  by  Mr.  Pitt,  sdm  find  r«o..rrei^ 
for  prosecuting  the  war  without  any  addiUonal  taxes;  but  nobotiy'1 
behevc  will  maintain,  that  a  peace  dctructive  of  our  commerce 
would  be  consistent  with  any  auch  hope. 

ilf  our  finances  were  likely  to  be  improved  in  peace,  it  wouW  b* 
•anew  and  decisive  reason  with  Buonaparte  for  the  speedy  renew^ 
«f  war.     But  without  taking  any  such  nioUve  into  the  account,  it 
must  be,  and  is  admitted,  even  by  the  most  sanguine  advocatea  for  » 
peace,  that  its  duration  would  be  in  the  highest  degree  precarious. 
.1  we  must  therefore  set  agauist  the  very  sleixder  chance  of  finaMciai 
liawngs  by  a  pacific  system,  the  probable  and  vast  expense  of  renew- 
ing, at  an  early  period,  our  wnr  establishments,  aftf-  they  may  have 
been  broken  up  or  reduced. 

-  When  these  considerations  are  fairly  weighed,  it  wiU  appear 
^ry  doubtful  whether  a  steady  prosecution  of  the  war  be  not  tbe 
•lost  economical,  as  well  as  the  safest  course,  we  can  at  present 
pursue.    That  would  at  least,  I  dare  affirm,  be  the  case,  supposinir 
the  war  to  be  conducted  upon  right  principles,  and  such  as'the  duty 
of  self-preservation,  at  this  awful  crisis,  demands.     If  we  are  still  to 
persevere  m  miUtary  expeditions  to  distant  countries,  those  sure 
sources  of  enormous  peculation  and  waste,  the  war  indeed  may  be 
costly  enough ;  but  if  we  wisely  keep  at  home  the  army  which  may 
be  essential  to  our  domesuc  safety,  act  only  on  the  defensive  oa 
shore,  and  assert  firmly  our  belUgerent  rights  on  the  ocean,  we  shall 
find  It  more  frugal  by  far  to  continue  at  open  war,  than  to  suspend 
hostJities  again  fo.  a  year  or  two,  by  an  anxious  and  dangei-oua     ' 
peace.    Such  a  use  of  our  maritime  power  as  the  state  of  Europe, 
and  of  the  world,  would  abundantly  justify,  and  as  the  late  conduct 
of  the  enemy  mvites,  would  give  us  means  of  maintaining  the  con- 
test  lor  fafty  years  if  necessary,  without  an  adcUtional  tax,  except 
such  as  France,  her  alUes,  and  the  states  under  her  influence  would 

p*y* 

-  The  only  additional  argument  for  siieathing  the  sword  that  is 
commonly  urged,  appears  to  me  perfectly  frivolous,  «  If  we  continue 
the  war,  it  is  said,  from  a  dread  of  making  peace  with  France  in  her 
present  state  of  aggrandisement,  we  may  continue  it  for  ever;  for 
we  cannot  deprive  her  of  her  conquests."  Permanent  war,  no  doubt 
IS  a  dreadlul  idea ;  but  let  it  be  contrasted,  as  (to  meet  fairly  the  pre- 
sent  arguments  for  war,)  it  ougi  t,  with  permanent  servitude  to 

t  ranee,  and  nerhnus  it=  hnfi-twiz  ■=.".!>.  -:.-.--...!. 

The  objt^tion  however  supposes,  that  because  we  cannot  dis- 
locigt  the  enemy  from  bis  present  possessions,  they  must  of  cour^ 


he  perpetual  J  and  that  all  the  other  dangers  which  forbid  a  pacific 
aysteiii  at  ihe  present  alarming  jm^cture,  are  also  interminable. 
Bat  if  the  terntorial  aggrandisement  of  Prance,  and  what  is  not  less 
dangerous,  the  talents,  strength,  and  ambition  of  her  present  govern- 
Ifient,  are  to  last  for  ever,  so  much  the  less  can  we  afford  to  divide 
with  her  the  possession  of  the  sea.  If  in  that  case,  the  naval  power 
of  the  enemy  is  to  vegetate  long  and  freely  upon  the  enormous 
ields  of  dominion  now  plowed  up  for  its  culture,  farewel  to  every 
hope  of  our  pcnaanem  safety :  but  we  may  now  cut  off  from  it  by 
war.  that  maritime  carriage  and  trade,  which  are  essential  to  its  nu* 
tl'itbn  and  growth. 

For  my  part,  I  regard  neither  Buonaparte,  nor  his  conquests, 
nor  hi3  ambitious  system,  as  immortal;  though  all  may  live  long 
enough  for  the  ruin  of  England,  if  we  give  him  a  peace  at  this  iunc- 

•      if    Judging  from  historical  examples,  and  natural  probability,  winch 
;       r      notwithstanding  the  strange  occurrences  of  the  age,  we  must  stilt 
do,  if  we  would  anticipate  future  events,  I  cannot  beUeve  th  :  the 
new  erected  empire  of ,  France  will  long  survive  the  buUder.     It 
.  ,  V         has  been  put  together  too  hastily,  and  with  too  many  unseasoned 
V,   ;       materials,  to  be  durable.    It  may  even  fell  by  the  rupture  of  that 
military  scaffolding  bjr  which  it  was  raised.    The  deposed  sove- 
reigns may  probably  not  be  restored,  nor  the  conquered  nations  de- 
.  livered  fiom  a  foreign  master ;  but  it  seems  probable  that. the  cap- 

,  ^  tains  of  this  second  Alexander,  will  at  his  decease  at  least,  if  nbt 
during  his  life,  carve  out  lor  themselves  their  respective  kingdoms, 
without  mucJi  respect  for  the  claims  of  the  Corsican  family.  He 
has  already  shewn  them  the  way  to  take  up  crowns  with  the  sword, 
a»d  h^  whetted  their  appetite  for  sovereign  power,  by  the  elevation 
of  their  comrades.  France,  therefore,  may  like  Maccdon,  be  soon 
glad  to  maintain  her  ancient  borders  against  those  who  conquered  in 
her  name ;  and  new  political  combinadons,  may  produce  a  new 
bal^jce  of  power  in  Eui  ^>e.  The  conqueror  himself  even,  may 
possibly  meet  the  fate  of  his  brother  emperors,  Gaesar,  and  Dessa- 
lines;  and  if  we  must  at  last  faU,  it  will  be  something  at  least,  to 
have  escaped  by  a  protracted  war,  the  yoke  of  Buonaparte. 

We  should  dread  subjection  to  this  man,  beyond  all  other  fo- 
reign masters;  not  only  because  he  personally  hates  us,  and  all  th^ 
ismosinoble  among  us;  but  because,  of  all  those  scourges  of  man* 

*  '  -~ — '   ^^~^^  «^w^.«  aivv^^^  saivrsv.*  Is  ui y   v^uOua. 

'     And  here  let  mr  deprecate  with  just  alarm,  let  me  reprobate 
with  honest  in^g^tion^  the  grovelling  sentiments  th^t  would  E?<»ib# 


,1 


to  tU.  ph*„«„««„  „d  ^^h  of  ouf-g.,  ft.  character  of  a  h.«! 
yoke,  w.  shall  be  compelled  Uke  Frencbroen  <o  pra«  him,  b«t  tel 

},  Z't^r;^  """^  """""  ""  "^  "-""^  «»  "«  'ow  level  ^ 

There  has  alway.  been  in  the  world  a  fatal  propendty  ,„  admir. 
ho,epest.of  ourapedoa,  called  conqueror,  and  tol^t^^ 
feme  the  «,gea  for  which  they  labour  in  .he  Belda  of  U^     b" 
_  ^  error^  ha.  .n  general  one  excaae.    We  comn.c„,,  ,i^X 
to  m.«h,e™.  race,  a.  in  the  Uon,  a  aavage  dignity  a.  le.  T»2 
..ge„ero.,yof  chancer.    Even  in  d»ir  c™,r.h're  i,  .  fZ 
».,y  w,„ch  „sp,re.  terror  indeed,  and  perhaps  i„dign.Uon,C 
«.  dtsgust  or  contempt.    How  diHe^n,  the  man,  X  .fte"  Z. 
iattleoiAueratadt,  could  send  forth  those  pitif,     j„.  „■„.,.' 

«nhappy  woman,  and  a  queen,  which  have  appeared  .  -  .•  Tench 
^.e.,.. :  who  has  repeatedly  indulged  the  same  paltry  spi  aet,™^ 
«^u.^c«ma..,p,e«,of  Nap,.,  and  the  brav,%„lastaa?Z 
*»ted  h,m  m  Syria ,  who  refused  to  allow  the  body  of  the  gallan,  oM 

itelfe' of  T^':  "'  '^^  '"  '^-'O""-  of  his  ancestorsfand  Z 
m  ine  case  of  Trafalgar,  and  many  other  instances,  has  not  scruole.! 

^  I  fMT  that  the  detestMion  due  to  this  last  mean  part  of  BuoM. 
P^.e-scharac.er,hegi„stowearou.,  fmm  the  frequency  oHt.  "^ 
bttton     Let  us  ^collect  then  if  we  can,  any  other  man  i„  Icfen 
cr  modern  Cory,  known  by  ft.  appellaUon  of  G«at,  whTel 
stooped  to  the  pitfful  tricks  of  systematic  falsehood,  in    hdr  puhl 

utterly  unknown  ,  and  though  in  our  modem  wars  with  the  kings  „f 
1-rance,  account,  of  battles  are  «ud  to  have  been  unliir,  at  U^^ 
ti»  «de  of  our  enemies,  the  misrepresentation,  have  b^en  suet  Z 
nugW,  m  good  measure,  be  ascribed  to  the  decoptious  report,  Z 
subordinate  comm«,ders,  or  to  the  since™  n,rd,L  .f^Z,c 

Lt'reTrr'Tf"™  "'  "°  '"""«''  (t.«.te.^.me'm  th. 
d^lTfl?""^  '  ''«""F™'=fc  «"«  w^ip^bably  ...cr,  th, 
dupe  of  flattery,  than  the  author  of  wijf,,!  fi|lM|™j_    i.ry..^  jT 

used  .n  those  days,  from  the  shameless  effrontery  which  could 


'htt^  lost  fifteen  or  sixteen  ships  of  the  line,  and  forge  letters  from 
Gibraltar  to  confirm  the  vile  impobture. 

There  is  even  a  generical  difference  between  this  mean  hatuit  of 
Napoleon,  and  the  falsehoods  ever  before  used  by.any  monarch  who 
has  "tooped  to  this  grovelling  vice.  Deceits ,  have  been  practised 
^ivately  in  the  cabir»et ;  but  they  have  been  regarded,  at  least  by 
those  misjudging  minds  which  used  thera,as  th€  lawful  circumven- 
tion of  an  enemy  or  a  rival ;  and  such  violations  of  truth,  have  com- 
monly been  perpetrated  in  the  hope  of  escaping  detection.  But  the 
mendacious  giiaettes  of  Buonaparic,  differ  from  such  secret  and  pa^. 
ticular  crimes,  as  open  prostitution,  differs  from  a  private  intrigue, 
lie  publi3hes  without  a  blush,  relations  the  gross  falsehood  of  which 
'hb  knows  to  be  notorious  at  the  moment  to  every  man  in  Europe, 
except  those  who  are  prevented  from  reading  any  newspapers  but  his 
own  ;  and  which  must  soon  lose  their  credit  even  with  his  own  de? 
fuded  subjects.  For  a  temporary  domestic,  purpose,  this  mighty 
monarch  is  content  to  incur  an  infamy  from  which  every  gcntlemea 
shrinks  with  abhorrence,  and  the  proper  epithet  for  which  is  too  low 
to  sully  these  sheets,     r^i  , 

If  any  man  can  regard  a  contemptible  trait  of  character  like  this, 
as  compatible  with  true  greamess,  let  him  look  to  another  criterion. 
TbeJi^is  a  comity  in  heroism,  and  a  sympatliy  between  great  minds, 
which  have  secured  to  illustrious  characters,  when  fallen,  respect  and 
kindness  from  their  conquerors.  Antiquity  abounds  with  examples 
of  such  magnanimity,  which  we  admire,  though  we  feel,  at  the  same 
time,  that  they  could  hardly  be  of  difficult  practice ,  But  the  pseudo- 
heroism  of  Buonaparte,  has  no  such  amiable  feature. . 

I  will  not  stop  to  illustrate  his  odious  want  of  senafaility  ia,such 
cases,  by  instances  to  which  Europe  has  been  sufficiently  awake  ;  but 
refer  to  one  that  appears  to  me  the  most  remarksdble  and  shameful. 

He  had  once  an  illustrious  opponent,  who  attracted  much  atten- 
tion in  the  present  day,  and  will  probably  be  still  more  admired  in 
the  calm  view  of  future  ages  ;  I  mean  that  extraordinary  African 
.iToussaint.  Napoleon  himself  pronounced  his  eulogy  in  these  terms, 
« Called  by  his  talents  to  the  chief  command  in  St.  Domingo,  he 
«  preserved  the  island  to  France  during  a  long  and  arduous  foreign 
«  war,  in  which  she  could  do  nothing  to  support  him.  He  destroy- 
«  ed  civil  war,  put  an  end  to  the  persecutions  of  ferocious  men,  and 
«'  restored  to  honour  t^  religion  and  worship  of  God,  from  whom 


ttm-J'    ««twM«ia 


•  Speech  of  July  or  August,  1802,  in  the  X.ondon  newspapers  of  August  9ft»- 


♦■ 


V 


oo«,  «Med  greatly  to  h«  formCT  gloiy.    Incorruptible,  dlintereiiK 

J  ^<«p.d,  a«d  «um»e,  he  performed,  in  hi,  ,a.,  con^t  for  fre^ 

**'««»>»  «!.«  womM  bear  con,p.ri«„  with  the  nx^  MIB^ 

™mp  over  the  conqnerors  of  Europe.    We  Itm,w  too  well  4e 

Tunpi^^ttr  "''"""''"""•  "•'^'"-'^^-'^ 

C^i,  2^  T'"  ""'" ="P"  "■«•"  W  been  expected  to  h6. 
Z^tT^       '^  eharactcr,  and  take  pride  in  r^watxling  hi, 

«:ir.;rd:::  ■  idt  '^^'hrh  f  "^  '"::™'"^ '°  '■^" 

Mo,  the  .ere.  of  n-anho^-^:- J-l^r  ^T:^::^^ 
Before  he  counted  into  the  region  of  i.luatriouB  de"ds,  he  hTto 
ctean«  h,.  w,„g.  fro„  .n.  tilih  of  a  brutalizing  bondage  :Y.7h" 

man,  and  he  chief  of  a  peopie,  formed  br  his  own  «nius   fr„^ 
.laves  and  taAarian.,  into  citizen,  and  »ldiers     Hfwa,  „e™ 

ed  famtb-,  and  thrown  him  into  a  dungeon  to  ,«ri,h  "  A  C.«X 

spared  h„n  ,  but  it  was  hi.  hard  lot  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  an  e„e! 

and'l  H         """;  "^"^"^  "'  "  "™8e,  the  apathy  of  .  ,"   ,"' 
and  the  baseness  of  a  sham  renegado.  •>  "-fptic, 

tim.«''th  *"  "''?  '?  "■"  '"'"  °f  ""''  S<="«™»  »■"!  elevated  sen-' 

•..nent,  the  Mn.berle»  positivs  crime,  against  humanity,  jmUcL* 

nd  honottr,  by  which  NaHeon  J,  disgraced,  it  seems  IS^ 

2  «n:t;r;r "" "-  ™"'  *"•'•''"-  "^-"^^  ^=  ^'--^ 

ch™';^«  ""mil":"'  *"  •  '"^"''  '=™"  **•  ""  ""-'  "-'o™ 

iire  h.:l.,'!'l"r.tr..'l!''''~"'«*  "-B  f™m  the  laUe  of 
thimi^h  A^"  ." ''  "■■"'  "■■*"■' "'  """"B  ™  adveoturous  cours* 
<hwngh  el,M,,  to  wage  new  war.  against  the  Almighty,  in  a  new 
created  world  we  cnncetve  of  him  with  fear  and  hat«d  Leed  b« 
there  .,  a  majesty  i„  m,  crime.,  W,i,h  screen,  him  fmra  comemp, 


:   V,> 


^\L^-m^  J  .J^-. 


Not  so,  when  he  meanly  lies  to  the  archangel ;  and  still  less,  vihtx^ 
in  the  shape  of  a  loathsome  reptile,  he  aits  at  the  car  6f  our  first 
mother,  practising  detestable  frauds  and  falsehoods  upon  her  fancy, 
for  the  ruin  of  her  innocence  and  peace.  His  dignitf  now  vanishes, 
and  admiration  is  lost  in  abhorrence.  Yet  the  fiend  still  sins  in  the 
prosecution  of  a  public  purpose :  he  is  serving  i  '>e  state  of  Hell, 
and  not  merely  the  individual  Satan.  The  heroism  of  Buonaparte, 
on  the  contrary,  is  sunk  in  selfishness,  as  well  as  in  despicable 
Crimes.  His  private  personal  feelings  are  ever  predominant  t  it  is 
the  opposition  to,  or  the  libel  against  Napoleon,  that  provokes  his 
bitterest  vengeance— it  is  for  little  self,  and  its  connections,  that  he 
purders,  deceives,  insults,  oppresses,  and  betrays. 
^  The  extreme  elevation  to  which  talents  and  success  have  raised 
Jiim,  makes  these  mean  and  loathsome  qualities  only  the  more  op- 
probrious  and  disgusting.  How  abject  must  be  the  c(»istitution  of 
that  mind,  which  such  fortunes  could  not  ennoble !  Antichristiaii 
philosophy,  behold  thy  work  !  See  here  the  differe  ce  between  thy 
godless  heroism,  and  the  dignity,  I  will  not  say  of  Christian,  but  even 
of  Pagan,  greatness.  The 'majesty  of  the  Temple  it  ruined,  because 
there  was  no  sense  of  a  present  Divinity  to  guard  it  from  pollution. 
It  is  as  if  the  sublime  dome  of  St.  Paul's  wete  lined,  and  its  lofty  pil- 
lars covered,  with  the  rags  of  Chick-lane,  and  the  offals  of  Newgate- 
market.       ;''(..  ■  o^\ -■;<**•■.■■;;;■,, <iw«..,»--,   ■,    •  ^ 

:^  If  the  irreligious  character  of  the  age  has  generated  this  spun- 
Urn  greatness,  let  us  distinguish  and  revere  the  appropriate  justice 
of  H  aven.  We  would  have  morals  without  religion;  and  God  has 
sent  us  ambition  without  dignity  in  return.  We  admire  talents 
more  than- morals ;  and  he  has  chastised  us  by  means  of  a  mind 
bom  to  illustrate  the  pestilent  effects  of  their  disunion.  We  have 
rebelled  against  him,  by  opposing  publicly  to  his  laws  the  idolatrous 
worship  of  expediency  ;  and  he  has  put  the  scourge  into  a  hand 
which  dishonours,  while  it  chastises,  our  proud  and  boastful  age.  It 
is  like  the  punishment  of  a  noble  traitor,  whose  bodily  indignities 
and  pains  are  aggravated,  by  the  sentence  that  he  shall  receive  theni 
from  the  vile  hands  of  a  common  executioner.         '   *  Ai 

Should  this  man,  however,  become  our  master,  his  vices  will  no 
-longer  be  objects  of  censure,  but  rather  themes  for  applause,  and 
patterns  for  imitation.  The  moral  taste  of  the  country,  and  of  Eu- 
rope, will  be  corrupted  by  the  example  of  their  mighty  lord,  as  well 
as  by  the  debasing  effects  of  his  oppression,  and  the  licentious  man- 
ners of  his  soldiers.  I  repeat,  therefore,  that  should  perseverance 
in  war  fail  to  produce  our  final  deliverance  from  the  power  of  France, 


-.5*;- 


I^- 


67 


it  will  be  stiU  an  effect  of  great  value  if  it  secures  u»  from  that  of 
Bii^apart  f 


-       Sect,  5.     The  miUtanj  force  of  the  country  mght  to  be  greatltf     , 

encretutetf.'^ '    ■  ,    \  .-.y^^ 

'  Having.thus  cursorily  shewn  that  a  treaty  of  peace  would  be  a 
.soilirqe  of  new  dangers,  rather  than  of  security  lo  the  country,  against 
the  power  of  France,  I  proceed  to  point  out  the  means  by  which  such 
Ipeurity  may  be  effectually  attained. 

.  .  They  are,  in  general,  military  vigour,  patience,  unani- 
mity, and  aEFORMATioN  ;  meaus,  the  first  and  last  of  which  I  pro- 
pose, distinctly,  but  briefly,  to  consider. 
>  .  And  first,  a  much  greater  proportion  of  miiitary  vigour^  than  now 
exists,  must.be  infused  into  our  defensive  preparations;  or  the  na- 
tion will  very  probably  be  lost. 

jwjjhave  already  offered  some  observaUons,  tending  to  shew,  that 
the  conquest,,  as  well  as  the  invasion,  of  our  country,  is  by  no  means 
an  impossible  event;  though  we  may,  like  the  unhappy  and  infa- 
.^u^ted  Prussians,  proudly  believe  the  reverse.   We  are  at  present  in 
peculiar  danger  of  a  fatal  self-deception  6n  this  point;  because  the 
enemy,  occupied  with  the  conquest  of  oth^r  nations,  or  engaged  in 
treacherous  negociations  for  peace,  has  long  discontinued  his  threats 
of  an  immediate  invasion.    The  danger  had  before  been  lessened  in 
our  eyes  hy  familiarity,  and  is  now  stUl  more  diminished  by  imagi- 
nary distance.    We  may  fondly  suppose,  perhaps,  that  Buonaparte 
seriously  expects  to  vanquish  us  by  a  commercial  war;  or  that,  hav- 
ing easier  conquests  in  view,  he  has  ceased  to  be  intent  upon  the 
speedy  subjugation  of  England. 

s^/llis  true  that  he  has  for  the  moment  other  work  on  hand  ;  and 
it  is  possible  that  he  may  not  again  directly  employ  himself  in  that 
of  our  destruction  by  arms,  till  he  has  finished  the  defeat  of  his  co^m 
tinental  enemies,  and  found  that  we  are  not  to  be  ensnared  into  a 
ruinous  peace.  Hence  we  have  a  happy,  and  I  trust  a  providential 
opportunity,  of  better  preparing  for  our  defence.  J 

A  But  that  this  season  of  apparent  security  will  last  long,  cannot  he 
supposed  by  those  who  reflect  on  the  present  situation  of  affairs,  un^i 
less  they  expect  that  Russia  will  still  be  able  to  turn  the  tide  of  warl 
and  find  long  employment  for  all  the  armies  of  France.  Mav  suck 
be  the  event ;  but  tlie  contrary  is  much  rather  to  be  feafcd.  Whiie 
I  write,  it  is  not  improbable  that  a  new  treaty  of  peace  for  the  conti- 
nent, iw^l?e^^t2|0^y||^^  ^^^l^^lll^hrone  of  Pp- 


hmd  f  and  that  French  columns  have  began  their  mavch  from  the 
Vistula,  which  may  soon  be  on  the  coast  of  the  channd.  Beude*. 
the  immense  armies  now  advancing  towards  the  seat  of  war,  occupy 
already  ail  the  intermediate  space  ;  and  as  soon  as  the  command  to 
halt  is  given  in  the  front,  the  rear  divisions  will  be  ready  to  ikroiVf 
themselves  into  the  now  vacsmt  camp  at  Boulogne. 
•  Those  innumerable  hosts,  will  then  have  no  object  worthy  of 
their  arms,  but  the  conquest  of  Great  Britain.  We  shall  eisploy 
tiie  undivided  attention  of  an  enemy,  who  adds  to  the  insatiable  am* 
bition,  the  military  talents,  and  the  fiwtune  of  an  Alexander,  the  mul- 
titudinous forces  of  a  Xerxes.  If  half  a  million  of  French  solcHers, 
elated  with  victory,  were  not  sufficient  for  our  destruction,  he  could 
reinforce  them  with  near  as  many  more  of  the  t^ssals  whom  he  calls 
allies;  while  France  herself  is  ready  at  his  c^l,  to  supply  him  every 
year  with  eighty  thousand  new  conscripts,  in  the  prime  of  youthful 
manhood.  .       .    .^ 

His  means  of  wafting  armies  t©  our  shores,  are  indeed  at  present 
^limited  and  precarious.  If  they  were  not,  our  situation  would  be 
desperate  indeed.  But  th^se  means  have  encreased,  and  are  rapidly 
encreasing,  and  we  may  not  be  able  to  find,  by  rencounters  with  his 
fleets  on  the  ocean,  opportunities  of  checking  their  growth.  When 
we  look  at  the  geographical  range  of  the  territories  now  at  the  (^ 
Totion  of  France,  and  the  maritime  resources  they  furnish,  it  would 
be  irrational  to  hope  that  the  hostile  navies  will  remain  in  their  pre- 
sent  state  of  depression  ;  though  we  may,  by  perseverance  in  the 
war,  maintain  a  decisive  superiority  over  them,  such  as  to  prevent 
their  openly  contesting  with  us  the  dominion  of  the  sea.  The 
mind  of  Buonaparte  will  soon  direct  all  its  energies  towards  their 
restitution.  Ships  and  seamen  will  be  the  only  acceptable  tribute 
which  a  fawning  world  can  bring  to  him.  He  will  invite,  or  exact 
them,  from  every  province,  from  every  conquered  country,  from 
every  ally,  and  even  perhaps  from  countries  which  he  yet  allows  to 
be  nominally  neutral.  In  short,  «  ail  tlw  rescirces  of  his  empire'* 
(to  quote  his  own  words)  «  will  be  again  employed  in  constructing 
fleets,  forming  his  marine,  and  improving  his  ports."*  *' 

Though  his  threats  6f  invasion  have  been  suspended,  not  so  his 
ftaral  preparations.  He  has  not  discontinue  the  building  of  that 
great  number  of^hips  of  the  line,  the  keels  of  which  wer  1  >ng  since 
laid  at  Antwerp,  at  Brest,  and  in  various  other  ports  of  his^  dominions; 

smce,  are  How  iuiljr  employed,  as  welt  as 


4.|._     J--!-    ---—J-      -  ■If    •»- 

2v   %4%#w»  j.m*%i^   \#» 


M.  Backet's  Address  to  the  Diet  of  Ratisbon,  Sep* , ': %s.       -m^ 


"vP|K-' 


-,  t 


those  of  Snain  tinA  U'/tll<»J  :- .~-^.      t.    !.•  /' 

M««ume.  U»  Buologn.  floUlla,  h.,  beep  .,refuUy  .„r^„ru«^ 

wtach  h,  had  raU«i  i,  b.fo«  hi»  »„«h  ibr  .h.  Hhi«!Tt  tf 

P*1K  ««i  generl  report  m.y  be  edited,    .pahte  of  ,ft™.„,  ^„ 

>  a  «,>gle  emb.rk.tio..  ,.o,ooo  m™,  to  our  .hore..    N«.IS 

»»  .of  .„,»  p^H    ,  ,f  „.  „,„  „,  ,,,  ,^,___         "J^ 

which  Napoleon  was.plaoed,  by  the  necessity  of  either  ri,qui«g  la* 

ZvTr  "  H-^*"?'  *  "''^"'"«  *°  "^»^-  commander  tt 
gto^of  theexpedmon,  m^he  event  of  its  .access.    But  now  hec«. 

Sstr"^*'.^K  '*°^-«»^I^->»«,  or  some  other  dis. 
^guished  general,  the  renown  of  conquering  Great  Britain ;  nor 
feel  any  appi^hens,on  that  such  a  delegate  wUl  use  the  large  force 

1^.  ^'*™"'*'*'^  ■''  *^"**  '"''"'  '*  ^"**»Sne,  or  on  this  side  the 
ebanneLso  as  to  triumph  with  satety,  and«void  the  fete  of  Mor^au 
The  usurper  will  therefore  most  probably  not  xpose  himself  to  the 
i«conv«„ence  of  leading  the  .my  of  England,  nor  mshly  re-enga^ 
kimself  to  do  so;  but  will  yield  to  the  prayers  o(  hh  anano^^sly^. 
^iTd  ""**'  *^^  devolve  on  some  fevourite  chief,  that  ha«arL« 

-  But  the  Boulogne  flotilla  will  not  be  relied  upon,  as  the  only 
mean  of  invasion.  In  other  ports  of  the  channel,  in  the  Germa; 
•ccan,  the  Atlantic,  the  Mediterranean,  and  the  Adriatic,  regular 
and  powerfiU  armaments  will  be  prepared,  so  as  to  distract  our  at- 
tendon,  «id  divide  our  naval  force  ;  nor  would  it  be  possible  for  us 
to  blockade  them  all,  through  every  season,  and  with  fleets  and 
.    squadrons  sufficiently  strong,  if  our  navy  were  three  times  as  Ja,^ 

Ztr^'T  T'"""'"'  *"  ''  ^^"''^  ^  Preposterous  therefore^ 
suppose,  that  from  no  part  of  his  immense  maritime  regions,  wiU 
he  «H«^y  be  able  to  send  expeditions  to  sea ;  and  not  less  so,  to 
rely  that  his  fleets  and  transports  will  all  be  met  with  by  British 
squadrons,  before  they  can  land  troops  on  our  shores.-Even  the 
vigilance  and  energy  of  Nelson-,  could  nm  ~-^-_.*r-.-  *>-.=  ^„  .=__-...  =_ 

Z'T  ?,  PV  '"^  '^  p"*'"  '^  *'^''  «»y  "^«"  «^<^««^«d  that  it  is 

mipossible  for  the  hostile  fleets  to  steal  from  their  harbours,  to  per- 
forn^  voyages,  and  to  land  forces  in  distant  parts,  without  being  ar- 


I 

i 


■.";■'   - 


xMted  by  British  fleets  in  their  way,  he  must  now  be  quite  cured  of 
that  mistake.      We  have  leamt  by  reiterated  experience  within  the 
last  two  years,  that  all  this  may  be  done,  without  the  discovery  evca 
of  the  point  of  destination,  till  it  b  too  late  to  frustrate  the  plan. 
.     It  would  not  be  quite  so  easy,  I  admit,  to  collect  and  send  to  sea 
%ith  equal  secrecy,  a  fleet  large  eiraugh  to  waft  over  an  army  ade- 
quate to  the  invasion  of  England ;  but  supposmg  such  fleets  to  be 
collected  at  more  ports  than  one,  even  this  might  very  probably  be 
effected.    It  must  not,  however,  be  concluded  that  the  enemy  will 
certainly  be  driven  to  the  necessity  of  embarking  by  8tealth.--A 
much  more  likely,  and  feasible  expedient  would  be,  the  bringing  to- 
gether, by  combined  and  well  concerted  movements,  a  large  part  of 
his  naval  force,  at  the  destined  point  of  embarkation,  and  then  sailing 
openly  for  our  coast,  under  the  protection  of  a  fleet  such  as  we 
could  not  immediately  collect  ships  enough  to  intercept  and  de- 
feat, •; 

*?  It  has  been  computed  by  sea  officers  of  reputation  and  judgment, 
that  150,000  men  might  be  embarked  at  Boulogne  in  a  single  days 
for  the  vessels  now  coUectejl  there,  are  so  constructed  as  to  take  the 
ground  without  damage ;  and  when  anchored  at  high  water  mark,  on 
alMig  sandy  beach  which  is  impregnably  fortified  for  their  protec- 
tion, they  are  left  dry  for  hours  by  the  ebb  tide;  so  that  the  troops 
may  march  on  -board  by  means  of  planks,  as  quickly  almost  as  they 
could  file  off  into  their  barracks;  and  at  the  return  of  high  water,  be 
ready  to  put  to  sea.    If  so,  the  command  of  the  channel  for  eight  and 
forty  hours,  might  suffice  for  the  most  formidable  invasion.       „    ,^ 
t    A  plan  of  this  kind  is  supposed  to  have  been  formed  in  the  «am- 
mer  of  1805.    The  combined  fleets,  after  leading  a  good  part  of  ours 
to  the  West  Indies,  were  suddenly  to  have  returned,  to  have  r>  laed 
the  blockades  of  Cadiz,  Brest,  and  Rochefort,  and  being  reinforced  by 
all  the  ships  in  those  ports,  proceeded  to  Boulogne,  where  perhaps 
the  fleet  from  the  Texel  would  have  been  brought  to  their  aid. 
They  were  then  to  have  convoyed  the  fli^Mla,  with  as  large  an  army 
as  Buonaparte  thought  proper  to  embark ;   and  England  might  pos- 
sibly have  been  lost  before  her  scattered  fleets  could  be  collected  in 
sufficient  numbers  to  oppose  them.    This  plan,  it  is  true,  was  frus- 
trated by  the  energy  of  Nelson,  and  the  prudence  of  our  admiraitf# 
and  above  all,  by  the  mercy  of  Providence,  which  combined  with  those 
means,  very  propitious  coincident  events.    But  similar  schemes  may 
be  formed  hei'eafter ;  they  will  become  more  fe*>sible  in  nronortinn  ts 
the  increase  of  the  enemy's  force ;  and  their  chai>ce3  of  success  may 
be  multiplied,  by  the  coliectiMi  of  an  adeqiiat«^i»tt|iilie^'  (^  tfpisptM^ 


'  4- 


.  \\ 


nt  different  ports,  far  remote  from  each  Other.  Thev  wr«,W  also  b« 
greatly  tacilitated  by  the  possession  of  Venice,  and  of  those  other'ne# 
•  raantime  station*,  acquired  by  Buonaparte,  during  the  two  last  cam- 
paigns ;  for  these,  give  bira  not  only  new  ships,  but  the  means  of  di- 
verung  the  navy  of  England  by  a  much  wider  extent  than  before,  in 
necessary  foreign  service.^Unhappily,  our  own  distant  <x>nquests,.of 
Which  at  this  conjuncture,  we  are  unaccountably  fond,  by  no  means 
lessen,  but  on  the  contrary,  encrease  this  advantage. 

clearly  the  faality  of  open  invasion,  by  the  sudden  concentration  of 
an  mferior,  during  the  dispersion  of  a  superior  navy.  But  having 
manjraiew  topics  yet  to  touch  upon,  I  will  rely  upon  what  h« 
already  been  offered,  or  rather  on  the  plain  nature  of  the  case,  fai' 
proof  that  we  may  probably  be  invaded  by  a  very  powerful  army,  not- 
withstanding  our  maritime  power. 

^  On  what  human  foundation  then  can  we  repose  a  tranquil  confli 
dence  m  the  present  state  of  the  country  ?  We  have  no  inexpugnable 
fortresses,  Uke  Austria  and  Prussia;  no  Alpine  mountains,  lik#: 
Switzerland ;  no  dykes  and  means  of  inundation,  like  Holland;  n«? 
sandy  deserts,  Uke  Egypt.  AU  those  impediments  have  been  sur,l 
mounted  by  our  formidable  enemy;  but  he  would  find  none  such  ti^f 
oppose  his  progress  in  England.  The  torrent  must  be  stemmed,  if  t 
al  all,  by  the  force  of  our  arms  in  the  field. 

What  then  is  this  last  retrenchment  of  the  inestimable  liberties!   ' 
of  England?  What  is  this  ulterior  defence,  against  the  most  deplor- 
able  revolution  that  conquest  ever  made;  against  miseries  more 
dreadful,  those  of  the  devoted  Jews  excepted,  than  any  people  eve" 
#idured?  -^  r    r 

/    We  have  a  regular  army,  which  I  will  suppose  to  be  in  point  of 
quality  throughout,  such  as  specimens  of  it  have  gloriously  proved 
to  be  upon  trial,  both  in  Italy  and  Egypt.    But  it  is  widely  dispersed, 
by  a  policy  which  at  this  arduous  conjuncture  I  am  quite  at  a  loss  to 
comprehend,  upon  foreign  and  distant  services.     Not  less  than  fiva 
differem  British  avnies  are  said  to  be  at  this  moment  employed  in» 
or  destmed  to,  five  different  regions  of  the  globe:  and  I  am  really 
afraid  to  state  the  small  amount  to  which  some  credible  reports  now 
reduce  the  regular  infantry  actually  within  the  realm. 
p.;-  But  it  is  not  necessary  to  my  argument  to  ascertain  such  alarm- 
ing facts  :  for  were  our  whole  army  within  the  island,  it  would  still  be 
v«y  UM«qu«i,  u.  poiiu  vi  numbers,  to  our  detence,  supposing  an  inva- 
sion to  take  place,  on  a  scale  suitable  to  tlie  magnitude  of  the  object, 
apd  to  tlie  ordinary  maxims  of  our  enemy.    Could  our  regiUar  troops 


::.  v'V 


'3t 


\-)  - 


he  collected  at  once  from  every  part  of  the  island,  they  might  find 
themselves  gf  eally  outnumbered.  But  we  should,  through  the  gretrt 
quickness  of  the  enemy's  motions,  be  obliged  to  fight  him  prevkms 
to  any  general  union  of  our  forcos,  or  give  him  possession  of  the 
cajHtal. 

A  Country  so  exposed  h^  thf  extent  of  its  assailable  coast,  and  by 
hi  defenceless  interior  .i^H^w  ngland,  would  perhaps  hardly  be 
safe  from  conquei*,  vmch  bua .  .om  ruin,  when  invaded,  if  it  con- 
tained in  its  whole  extent,  three  soldiers  for  every  enemy  that  should 
land  on  its  shores.  Whereas  France,  if  she  invade  us  at  all,  will 
pn^bly  send  a  force  exceeding  that  of  our  regulars  and  militia 
united.  I  suppose,  it  is  true,  in  this  e-?*- ,-> .  <.C)  n  equality  of  military 
character  I  but  I  calculate  also  oh  that  &e#  system  ot  tactics  wliich 
is  so  fbrmitfeble  in  offensive  war,  in  which  our  enemies  so  fatally  ex- 
eel,  and  for  which  England  presents  to  them  a  most  favourable  field.. 

That  daring  confidence  wliich  never  measures  difficulties  in  ad^ 
tancing,  which  reckons  too  surely  on  victory,  to  make  any  provisioi) 
for  retreat,  has  been  known  ever  since  the  days  of  Agathocles,  to  be 
most  propitious  to  invadetis;  and  it  has  probably  been  partly  owing 
to  a  more  cautious  character  of  war  in  modem  ages,  that  the  subvofw 
sion  of  thrones  by  conquest,  has  teen  a  very  rare  event  in  Europlf 
till  the  present  disastrous  times.     But  to  this  audacious  spirit,  oul- 
enemies  have  added  an  astonishing  celerity  of  movemcUs,  whicl*  IP 
perhaps  still  more  peculiarly  characteristic  of  their  military  system, 
and  a  greater  cause  of  their  success.    The  invaded  country  has  n# 
time  to  collect  its  proper  domestic  resources,  much  less  receive  su^ 
cour  from  its  allies ;  it  must  submit  to  the  ravages  of  a  conqueror,' 
or  with  such  a  force  as  it  can  bring  in  a  moment  into  the  field,  stak« 
its  fate  upon  the  issue  of  a  battle.     If  a  defeat  be  the  event,  the  vic- 
tws-  advance  with  a  rapidity  that  destroys  every  ulterior  hope.    It  is 
the  speed,  not  of  an  army,  but  a  post.    They  bring  the  first  news  (rf 
their  own  victory  to  the  dismayed  capital ;  and  the  flying  divisions  of 
the  routed  army,  instead  of  meeting  friendly  battalions  advancing  t» 
their  support,  find  enemies  in  their  front,  as  well  as  in  their  red^ 
Their  utmost  speed  is  arrested  by  their  impetuous  pursuers,  and  th# 
passes  by  which  they  hoped  to  escape,  are  seized  by  hostile  corjMii, 
■who  arrive  at  the  defiles  before  them-=     It  is  then  too  late  to  call  odl? 
«n  irregular  defensive  force ;  or  even  to  collect  the  regular  troops 
from  distant  positions,  and  the  gartf  sons  of  interior  towns.    The  in* 


ifrftnipttHi  Tiotrin  «[Ai*»A«1   ittxriM  4-kjs  #ftAVfc4^«w«1 


t«   .^ 


*j    ««*•  *  %»     vn^^ova 


p«S^ 


every  pass,  and  cut  off  every  source  of  comnuinicttion  or  concert^ 
between  the  different  (Hstrictt .    The  Tit«l  organs  of  the  stikt«  too,  t^ 


.aV 


-  ?»th?irha|HJ«»«4tl>«ycancoiitit>iaa!lit8funcaon9.  Thedkcon- 
^jwa  e»pi^  oi  patnotism  ami  courage  that  may  sUU  be  made  io 
aOferent  places  a^ e  li^  the  cqnviilsive  moUon^  Pf  members  just  se- 
Jfered  ft«m  the  body ;  a  mere  .^mblan<:e  of  life,  momentary  and 

,  \yhtJB  I  reflect  upoij  the  terrible  cffccti  of  this  impetuous  W- 

|w^. by  vWch  Europe  has  been  repeatedly  dismembered i  wheal 

J»ehold  the  last  example  of  its  force,  in  the  yet  rolling  fragments  of  a 

in^hty  fl^ijarchy,  which  it  has  recently  burst  asunder;  I  am  amazed 

fnd  confounded,  at  the  strange  presumption  of  those  who  rely  on  our 

,  psent  weansof  interior  defence,  vvhUe  they  admit  the  probabUity  of 

,  h  has  been  said,  I  know,  that  though  London  were  lost,  the 
jountry  wouW  m  be  safe.  Were  our  pn,per  defensive  preparation, 
-^y  made,  it  woidd  be  right  to  cherish  that  opinion.  But  it  cannot 
•  -i""?^^  '^'  ^^  metropoUs  would  be  given  up  without  a  batUe  z 
Wid  should  we  lose  a  battle  first,  and  London  afterwards,  our  final  * 
?«cunty  wjHwt  depend  upon  exertions  equaUy  difficult  and  precarious, 
lam  at  a  loss  to  comprehend  the  practical  views  upon  which  an  oi>  ^ 
positeopuuon  can  be  founded. 

^  Tlwt  the  loss  of  the  metropoUs  would  immediately  follow  the  Io«t 
9f  «  battle,  unless  we  had  a  secund  army  at  hand  to  retrieve  the  mis- 
S»"iage  of  the  first,  is  evident.  What  then  would  be  our  military  , 
rfiserve,  supposing  a  regulai-  army  h»rge  enough  to  make  a  stand 
agflwst  thff  Wjraders,  should  be  defeated?  «  Our  volunteers,  a  bun- 
dred  tongues  will  be  ready  to  reply,  are  that  gitind  ulterior  resoarqei 
nay,  many  of  them  would  be  in  the  advanced  guard  of  their 
country."  *  -^ 

The  vohinteers,  I  most  cordially  admit,  will  do  all  that  their  num- 
hers,  their  degree  of  discipline,  and  their  physical  powers,  animated 
by  an  ardent  love  of  their  country,  and  a  high  sense  c  honour,  will 
enable  them  to  perform.  »ut  of  our  volmiteers,  how  small  a  part  are  . 
jeally  effecuv€  m  the  proper  sense  of  that  term;  and  how  maay  are 
irom  ftge,  bodily  constitution,  and  fixed  habits  of  Ufc,  utterly  unfit  for  ' 
Ihe  duties  of  the  field. 

^  Far  indeed  is  it  from  my  intention,  to  detract  from  the  merits  <J 
these  corps,  or  to  deny  their  high  utUity  and  importance.  I  would 
most  anxiously  mamtain,  were  it  necessary,  that  they  are  essential 
means  for  the  permanent  safety  of  the.  country;  and,  without 
-24SVjr;g  Uiut  «.y  incuaUer  of  the  present  cabinet  ever  entertained, 
or  meant  to  express,  a  contemptuous  estimate  of  their  value,  Ik* 
^ni§%^kwi4defjb,^^n|»jtonatelygpneabrQ^   , 


'     . 


'■  u 


w 


But  it  is  one  thing  to  applaud  an  instituticm  in  the  i^stract,  and 
ahother  to  sajr  that  it  has  attained  to  practical  perfection ;  or  that  it  is 
equal  to  the  important  purposes  for  which  it  was  designed.  They 
Who  regard  the  volunteer  corps  as  radically  unfit  for  the  defence  of 
their  country,  are,  I  am  persuaded,  greatly  mistaken :  but  on  the 
other  hand,  they  who  suppose  this  defensive  force  to  be,  in  ito  pre- 
sent statfi)  sufficient  to  insure  our  safety,  are  in  a  £ar  more  duigerous 
«Jrror.  *  '    -•<■  -  -'  ^ 

V 

Various  (Ejections  have  been  made  to  these  establishmwits  oa. 
the  score  of  discipline,  which  no  candid  friend  to  them  will  affirm  to 
be  wholly  unfounded.  A  still  more  serious  objection,  however,  is 
that  both  their  discipline  and  their  effective  force,  is  very  generally 
and  rapidly  declining.  But  what  has  always  appeared  to  me  the 
chief  defect  in  these  corps,  and  the  natural  source  of  their  decay  is 
&  vice  in  their  original  constitution;  I  mean  the  indiscriminate  mkl| 
ture  of  men  of  widely  different  ages,  and  bodily  habits,  of  which 
they  are  composed. 
'  Of  all  qualities  in  a  soldier,  his  physical  powers  are  of  the  gre^' 
elt  importance ;  but  more  especially,  when  his  services  are  likely  to 
be  of  a  severe  and  laborious  kind ;  and  still  more,  when  he  is  sud- 
denly to  be  called  from  the  habits  of  civil  life,  into  actual  service.  I 
would  by  no  means  undervalue  the  effects  of  patriotic  and  military 
ardour,  with  which  our  volunteers,  if  opposed  to  an  invading  enemy, 
would,  I  doubt  not,  be  generally  inspired.  But  though  the  body,  in 
such  cases,  may  be  powerfully  sustained  by  the  mind,  there  are  limits 
to  the  possible  effect  of  such  an  influence ;  and  the  qualities  of  the 
inferior  part  of  our  natures  will  unavoidably  determine,  in  a  great  de- 
gree, our  powers  of  military  exertion.  It  is  not  in  the  love  of 
country,  long  to  sustain  under  the  sense  of  cold,  hunger,  and  fatigue, 
a  man  of  tender  habits,  who  has  passed  the  prime  of  his  life  without 
any  acquaintance  with  such  hardships.     .  r  -        ffl|ft 

That  our  volunteers  must  unavoidably  be  in  such  respects  inferior 
t^  regular  troops,  is  evident.  They  arc  not  inured,  by  long  and  con- 
stant practice,  to  the  duties  of  a  military  life:  they  are,  for  the  most 
part,  men  unaccustomed  evon  to  those  laborious  branches  of  civil  in- 
dustry, which  are  the  best  nurseries  for  the  army ;  and  a  great  ma- 
jority of  them,  are  inhabitants  of  cities  and  large  towns;  men  oidqi 
iViestic  and  sedentary  habits,  to  whom,  even  exposure  to  the  incl# 
mency  of  the  weather,  is  a  novelty,  and  a  hardship.  .-^ 


Tliif  fVt 


r\iifvl-i  o^wwtfk 


«f  ♦!- 


,A.   ,.^4. I_U. 


nature  of  the  institution  in  question,  they  certainly  now  exist  in  a 
mucfc  greater  degi'ee  than  was  necessaiy.    We  have  more  town^- 


t.^  ^*'r#' 


mm,  and  fe»MTni«(few,amonir  our  ToInmte~,i.„  _,_.,,.      . 

u«  to  the  hardr  poor,  th.n  »«,«  j„y,  been  inrolled,  if  thoL  S 
dental  MUM.  had  not  exiiled.      .,:,■.  ."tnoMacci- 

■.mml'lllTr.""?  r-""'  *•»"""."'' which  greatly, 
aggra^tes  the  eS)>ct.  of  au  he  r..t, !,  one  which  might  moat  easil» 
have  been  pre«nted,  and  .=„•.  m  .d™i«  „f  .  remedy  I  ^ 
the  number  of  volunte..-,  «  -.,  ..„nd  ia  everyl™  wl^I^^ 
P«.«d  the  meridian  ,fli  a..  I.a«  the  age  of  "rnilltt^r 
and  v-souri  and  yet  are  i.  ..^..^ninately  miL  in  Ae  nnlH*  > 
much  younger  and  abler  associates.  e  rania,  wuh 

,.J^v" "  °  **"°" "' "*- """^  ""  ^•"='"«  "•"■«» may  be  most 
«.s.ly  bent  to  new  habits ,  and  when  the  elasticity  of  J  „„"u. 

and  an.m.1  spirits,  is  p,«,f  .gains,  .he  severe,,  pJssure    n^^l 
« |l.e  .^,  when  brisk  «,d  vigomu.  action  is  lu  Jry,\3herZ^ 
f.U«ue  ,  and  wha,  w.  are  prone  to.  by  the  impulse  of'naTrl  eve^ 
when  duty  points  ,o  repose.    The  imagination  also,  is  tl"^!! 
fully m.press.d by  thecharm.  ofnovelty.irieyerye^^i^mer^d 
sympaUues  of  m  kind,  but  esp.ci.Uy  in  bold  L  arter^"'„^, 
have  an  .rresisdble  influence.    If  man  at  such  a  seasoHfT  has 
p.cuharan.mal,^,ification,  for  a  soldier,  much  more  foratl™ 
teer.    If  he  be  St  for  gradual  and  pem,anen,,  much  more  for  s^di, 
and  unaccustomed,  service  in  war,  and  especially  if  that  ser^,^  ^ 
of  a  bnsk.  active,  and  laborious  kind.  «=nrici)  be 

»l^tZ'7.'t'"*\"''?'r^-    I' "'•)"^n' greatly  ash,  age,  |„ 

of  the  French  conscr.p,«>nj  namely,  from  eighteen  to  twenty-L 

,or„?h  ""t"""""*  ^'WaJto  ourboyhZaTd 
some  of  them  may  be  unimpdred  at  thirty;  but  I  sneak  of  >,Z. 
When  the  body  has  nearly,  or  fully  acquired  it.  matu^^of^jT 
without  any  diminution  of  juvenile  spirit*  y  o>  atrengui, 

And  here.  ,hough  it  may  lead  me  to  digress  a  litUe,  and  ,™n  a 
subject  with  which  I  have  no  profe^onal  acq„aintan«  I  Xot 
suppress  an  opn,«,n,  that  J',^,  „«,„  ^  ,J,^^„iZ'lZ 
mtwnm,_u  the  youth  ^her  nldim.  ^ 

It  is  a  common  remark,  among  those  who  have  had  the  misfor- 
tune ,0  «e  much  of  the  French  armies,  that  they  are  almost  eS' 
composed  of  stnplmgs,  or  very  young  meg^    And  indeed  how  Z 

Ir  "^  '"i  T""""'   '"«  ">''K'>«"  of  «Se  sanguinary  wa"rs  that 
have  raged  ™ce  1793,  must  have  left  few  ve«r»,T^ow  rema^„*' 
who  )»d«nred  under  their  hwfol  sovereign;  a„d  the  r«,„iS' 


%. 


\ 
\ 


m. 


n&w  called  conscnptiohs,  by  Which  such  tmmenMS  afmlis  have  since 
been  annually  rjdsed,  have  not  yet  cotupilsed  a  Mngl«  tttan  above  the 
age  of  twenty-five.  Reckoning,  therfe^re,  from  lt9!J,  when  th« 
aystem  began,  the  oldest  soldief  pfoditced  by  it,  has  not  yet  attained 
forty  J  while  an  equal  number  at  least,  evfeh  of  the  earliest  rftqUisi- 
don,  must  be  seven  years  yoiitiger.  But  stit)pbs!hg  equal  nnmbers 
to  have  been  raised  by  it  in  each  year,  and  t(J  have  towiprised  an 
equal  proportion  of  men  of  every  age,  ff-om  eighteen  tb  twenty-five, 
it  would  follow,  that  a  majority  of  the  'whole,  if  living,  Would  new  be 
under  twenty-nine.  The  classes,  howevet",  who  have  served  the 
greatest  number  of  years,  must,  cteterii  fitlfidus,  have  been  the  Most 
reduced  by  losses  in  action,  and  other  tasUaltles  of  War.  Supposing, 
therefore,  that  in  respect  of  natural  causes  of  mortality,  the  chance  of 
a  youth  of  vighteen,  to  be  found  alive  at  the  distance  of  fourteen 
years,  only  equals  that  of  a  man  of  tWenty-ftVe,  it  is  plahi  that  the 
surviving  conscripts,  of  a  later,  must  be  far  mote  numerous  than 
tlhose  of  an  earlier  requisition.  *   --' 

,*^  Soldiers  thus  raised,  have  a  right  to  be  discharged,  as  t  appre- 
Send,  when  they  have  passed  their  twenty-fifth  year;  but  since  it  is 
probably  a  right  not  much  respected  in  time  of  War,  I  will  take  credit 
for  little  or  no  diminution  in  the  teladve  numbers  of  old  and  new 
<jonscripts  on  this  account.  '**'*"  *^ 

**  But  there  remains  another  c(Misideration  of  great  importance; 
iov  it  is  evident,  that  each  successive  conscription,  if  impartially 
made,  must  include  a  larger  proportion  than  the  preceding  one,  of 
men  in  the  earliest  stage  of  the  limited  time  of  life.  Supposing 
the  last  year's  levy,  for  itistance,  to  have  been  universal,  there  could 
be  no  conscripts  of  the  present  year,  teturned  emigrants  excepted, 
but  such  as  have  attained  the  age  of  eighteen,  since  the  conscription 
of  1805;  and  consequently,  whatever  portion  of  the  people  may  be 
actually  conscribed,  unless  there  be  a  partial  exemption  of  the 
younger  classes,  which  v/e  have  no  reason  Whatever  to  suppose,  each 
successive  levy  under  this  system,  while  it  is  annually  used,  must 
produce  a  much  greater  proportivii  of  soldiers  of  eighteen,  than  of  any 
other  age.  But  eighteen  is  probably  found  an  age  too  early,  in 
many  constitutions,  for  maturity  Of  growth  and  strength ;  and  there- 
fore I  presume  it  is,  that  in  the  last  conscripUon  of  80,000  men,  for 
service  in  the  present  year,  Napoleon  has  required  that  they  shall  ail 
be  of  the  age  of  twenty,*and  no  more.  f     V 

On  the  whole.  It  seems  not  too  much  to  conclude,  that  while  Ito 
french  urmy  coftipri&eS  very  few  soldiers  who  have  attained  forty,  a 


M 


■■'      'V 


4  ^Af-ic  f !.     -  -.-S'  4  J        -.^ 


■.:|n. 


J,-  "K-. 


m 


i' 


am 


great  majority  of  the  600,000  men,  of  which  kUiitSA  lo  cone 
under  twenty-five. 

UnleAs  this  extraordinary  circumstance  in  the  constitution  of  th« 
armies  of  France,  can  be  regarded  as  of  a  neutral  or  indiffertat  kin<i 
m  war,  it  must  be  admitted  to  have  favoured  their  success;  for  w* 
have  wonders  enoujrh  to  account  for  in  their  alchievemcnts,  withW 
supposing  that  so  striking  a  physical  pecuHarity,  was  a  disadvantag* 
to  be  overcome.  > 

In  this  respect,  the  compoation  of  every  army  which  they  have 
conquered,  has  been  very  different.  The  Austrian  and  Prussian 
battalions,  wWch  they  have  so  strangely  overwhelmed,  the  latter 
especially,  contained  a  large  proportion  of  old  or  middle  aged  sol-^ 
diers.  Perhaps,  with  equal  numbers  to  the  French,  they  could  have 
counted  twice  as  many  years.  The  same,  I  apprehend,  has  been 
the  case  with  such  Russian  armies,  as  have  been  chiefly  engaged  in 
these  disastrous  wars. 

The  British  army,  from  its  fatal  employment  in  the  West 
Indies,  has,  alas !  not  much  longevity^    A  great  part  of  it,  has  been 
formed  during  the  last  and  present  war,  by  very  yoUng  recruits;  and 
this  circumstance  also  seems,  when  we  regard  the  success  of  oar 
armsjrathcr  tosupport,  than  oppose,  the  conclusion  to  which  I  reason. 
I  am  far  from  ascribing  indeed,  to  the  youth  of  our  soldiery  alone, 
the  failure  of  the  ienemy's  fortune  in  the  field,  when  opposed  to 
Bntish  battalions.  The  gallantry  of  our  officers  and  tropps,  and  their 
hereditary  sense  of  superiority  to  our  insolent  neighbours,  might 
sufficiently  account  for  it.    But  the  army  of  Egypt,  I  apprehend,  had 
but  a  small  proportion  o^  veterans  in  the  ranks ;  and  the  brave  corps 
which  so  well  sustained  the  military  fame  of  their  country  at  Maida, 
were  chiefly  composed  of  very  young  men. 

-  I  am  aware  that  it  has  the  air  of  heresy  ih  the  science  of  war,  4 
regard  men  who  have  but  just  emerged  from  boyhood,  as  an  over- 
match  for  veterans  in  the  field.  But  if  there  be  any  truth  in  the 
preceding  observations,  this  is  not  merely  an  opinion  ;  it  is  a  fact; 
and  the  business  is,  not  to  prove,  but  explain  it.  The  young  sol- 
diery of  France,  have  in  fact,  triumphed  over  the  veteran  troops  of 
their  continental  enemies. 

■  Innumerable  attempts  have  been  made  at  different  times,  and  in 
reference  to  the  various  disasters  of  our  allies,  to  account  for  this  uni- 
form  success  of  the  enemy,  by  the  treason  of  generals,  the  disaffec- 
tion  of  troops,  and  by  accidents  of  vsri^ia  fein-ic-  x-^-.t  fK=  --»--^f.  , 
are  all  either  inadequate,  or  highly  incredible;  as  well  as  inconsis- 
t«m  with  each  other.    Let  us  try  then  whether  this  very  disparity  of 


m 


«& 


.A 


\ 


f1 


age  between  the  soldiers  of  tlie  contending  armies,  may  not,  in  spit^t  v 
of  old  received  notions,  go  far  to  explain  the  whole. 

(^r  Buonaparte,  and  other  French  generals,  have  repeatedly  spoken 
of  the  old  tactics  with  omtempt;  and  it  is  at  length  become  fashion^    . 
able,  with  those  who  have,  as  weU  as  with  those  who  have  not,  som«| 
little  knovirledge  of  the  subject,  to  cry  down  the  old  art  of  war.    W# \ 
liegin  to  look  back  on  Marlborough  and  Turcnne  as  drivellers,  wIh^ 
did  nothing  great  in  comparison  with  what  they  might  have  effected^ 
lait  spent  half  an  age,  in  slowly  attaining,  what  ought  to  have  been^ 
tlie  work  of  a  month.    If,  however,  Marlborough  or  Turenne  hadr 
commanded  the  youthful  revolutionary  armies  of  France,  I  cani>Q|| 
help  thinking  that  they  would  have  discovered  the  same  newmethodsi'^^ 
of  warfare,  Avhieh  so  many  French  generals  hav&  practised,  and  usedt^ 
them  with  equal  success :  for  great  commanders  in  all  ages,  seei% 
to  have  been  men  of  strong  natural  parts,  wiio  triumphed,  not  by,  a^  " 
pedantic  adherence  to  established  rules,  but  by  the  application  of 
idain  common  sense,  to  the  circumstances  in  which  they  were  placed. 
It  was,  I  conceive,  not  difficult  to  discover  that  the  cautious  and  dila«^, 
lory  system  formerly  in  vogue,  was  not  fit  for  those  inexhaustible^ 
multitudes  of  ardent  young  soldiers,  whom  France  in  tlie  delirium 
erf  her  enthusiasm  for  liberty,  pouied  forth  upon  her  enemies.     -.#' 

21  The  situation  of  the  republic,  at  the  first,  prescribed  impetuous 
SBid.  decisive  operations ;  and  what  was  perhaps  then  bot  a  daring  and 
necessary  effort,  became  afterwards  from  its  signal  success,  an  esta-., 
blished  new  system  of  war.     Without  depreciating  the  value  of  the 
discovery,  it  may  with  probability  be  supposed  to  have  been,  like 
iBtany  others  of  great  importance,  the  result  of  accident,  rather  thaaKi 
«lesign.     Buonaparte's  genius  may  possibly  be  as  great  as  his  fo;*^- 
tune ;  but  the  new  tactics,  were  Moreau's  before  they  wei'e  Buona*^ 
parte's,  and  Pichegrn's  before  they  were  Moreau's. 

All  I  wish  to  eiitablish  however  is,  that  the  success  of  this  new;, 
system,  has  been  promoted  by  the  peculiar  and  advantageous  circura*v 
stance  in  question,  the  youth  of  the  French  soldiers.  A  Frenchman)- 
from  the  vivacity  of  his  nature,  has  a  juvenile  impetuosity  even  in 
sober  manhood.     How  much  more  when  sent  into  the  field  betweeix* 
18  and  25.     With  such  a  soldiery  it  might  have  been  difficult  to  sit 
^w«  to  sieges  and  blockades ;  or  cautiously  to  watch  the  movementti 
of  an  enemv,  as  on  a  chess-board,  through  a  tedious  campaign:  hv^ 
it  was  easy  to  overwhelm  him  at  once,  by  a  rapid  march,  and  a%. 
impetuous  attack.  ,f 

♦,One  of  the  greatest  auvauiagcs  ofluis  grami  pliysical  distinction, 
is  die  capacity  which  young  men  have  of  sustaining  for  a  long  time*' 


\ 


1 


\  i 


with  fep  less  inconvcfiience  than  their  sMmrU  ei cesTif  ^olertit 
exercise;  and  of  this  BuoLaparte  ha.  .valM  himself  beyond  any  of 
h«  predecessors  It  is  perhaps  the  chief  source  of  his  superiority 
to  them  mbnUiant  atchievements.  His  astonishing  man:h  ov«^ 
Mount  Cems  into  the  plains  of  Italy;  his  sUll  more  rapid  adv^ 
from  Boulogne  to  Bavaria  and  Ulm ;  what  were  they,  but  wondefs 
performed  by  youthful  alacrity  and  vigour.  His  enemas  were  tlt^ 
by  surprise,  and  ruined,  because  they  thought  such  marches  impo.. 

By  the  same  means,  he  has  been  able  to  make  the  fraits  of  a  vi# 
Wry  decisive,  and  the  rout  of  an  enemy  irretrievable,  beyond  all 
former  example  Not  to  mention  the  celerity  of  his  movements 
after  the  capitulation  of  Ulm,  the  late  unprecedented  fate  of  the 
Prussian  army,  subsequent  to  the  battle  of  Auerstadt,  affords  too 
strong  an  instance  of  it. 

^1^^^  f '"?? ^  '°"'*'''^  °"  '^^  P^"^^  «"^«^^;  ^d  if more«| 
be  offered,  to  lUustrate  the  physical  disparity  between  the  pursuers 
and  the  pursued,  let  General  Blucher^s  narrative  be  read.  He  db^ 
not  indeed  remark,  that  his  veteran  soldiers  were  opposed  to  much 

IZrZ^^'V-  '"r''  ""'^'^  "  ""'''''''■  W«  «"^'  that  though 
traversmg  a  friendly  country,  his  soldiers  were  fainting  with  fati^e 

and  hunger,  and  dropping,  by  fifties  at  a  time,  on  theLd;  so  S 

^jIh..  V'^\   ^V  ''"^"'"*  °^'"  °"S^"^-^  f^*^^  i"  miserable 
plight  to  Lubeck;  while  his  more  vigorous  pursuers,  followed  cloae 
at  hi8  heels,  passed  as  enemies  through  the  same  country  which  W' 
had  previously  exhausted,  arrived  in  full  force,  almost  atThe  s  r^ 
mornent  with  him  on  the  coast  of  the  Baltic,  and  in  such  unimpaired 
spirits,  as  to  storm  his  batteries  before  they  halted.    The  contradic 
^nspubUclygiventothis  narrative  by  the^nemy,certaiyyt^^^^^^^^^ 
httle  confidence;  otherwise  they  would  greatly  strengthen  these  re.  '   ' 
marks.    But  thus  much  cannot  be  denied-that  til  French  had 
Twith  ar.ir7  f "  "  '''  Prussians^that  they  must  have  set 

sp  eading  his  army  over  a  circumference  of  tlurty  miles,  cotdd 
hardly  obtain  refre:;.^.nt,  could  not  a  few  hours  after,  Ime  yJ.'ded 
greater  relief  to  ..  .nemies.  At  the  same  time  the  brave  old^Gene- 

tlT^r     r  I''?'''  ''""''  °^*^'  ^^^^'"^^°"  ^"^  P^ti<^"«^«  of  hi, 
xi-oops.      1  hey  did  therefore  al!  that  the-  c~jld.  is*sta3s*-  »;^^ 

Somethmg,  I  admit,  should  be  allowedTnThis  case,  fo-tJ-Tdill 
fercnce  between  the  elation  of  victory,  and  the  dejection  of  defeat; 


'^  ; 


\'> 


4.i 


\ 


9f 


m 


itut  no  man  of  50,  or  even  40,  who  remembers  biaovn  bodily  pow- 
ers and  spirits  «t  25,  will  be  at  a  loss  for  a  more  adequate  cause  of 
this  disparity,  between  ihe  conBc*ipts  uf  Buoimparte,  and  the  vete* 
rans  of  Frederick  the  Great. 

How  diilerent  wa»  the  case  with  Moreau,  in  his  famous  retreat 
before  the  Archduke  Charles,  in  the  campaign  of  U96?  He  had  to 
make  his  way  through  a  hostile  country,  from  the  Danube  to  the 
Rhine,  by  a  most  difikult  rouU;  of  three  hundred  miles  in  length ; 
and  yet  effected  it  with  so  little  loss,  that  the  retreat  was  held  to  be 
more  glorious  tlian  a  conquest.  Yet  nothing  is  recorded  of  that 
exploit,  that  may  moi  be  fully  explained  by  the  same  bodily  superio- 
rity of  his  troops.  He  made  forced  marches  of  such  length,  and 
^vith  such  ea:treme  perseveruioe^  as  baffied  all  the  efibrts  of  his 
enemies.  ^t 

Whe^er,  therefore,  in  advancing  or  retreating,  our  enemies 
triumph  by  the  juvenility  of  their  soldiers.  Their  innovations  on 
the  old  system  of  war,  are  calculated  to  make  the  most  of  this  ad- 
vantage. They  have  wisely  turned  war,  from  a  minuet  into  a  race ; 
fiu*  they  are  sure  tl^tt  their  vetenm  .enemies  will  first  be  W^x£ 
In^ath.  ^  '   w, 

Nor  SB  the  same  superiority  unfelt  in  the  field  of  battle.  No 
man  has  a^  much  active  or  animal  courage  at  45,  as  he  had  at  21. 
The  passive  courage  of  the  veCei^sn,  it  is  true,  wetf  be  increased, 
rather  than  diminished  by  experience ;  that  is,  he  may  ^and  longer 
motionless  under  a  cannonade,or  the  fire  of  musquetryj  and  be  maw 
cwliy  obedient  to  orders,  and  observant  of  discipline.  Hence  also 
the  old  tactics  suited  him  perhaps  better  than  the  new.  But  new, 
the  steadiness  oi  troops  alone  will  not  suf&ce;  their  strength)  and 
sjHirits,  are  tried  to  the  uttermost,  by  brisk;  persevering,  and  reite- 
rated attacks ;  new  troops  are  brought  up  from  distant  quarters, 
with  such  rapidity,  that  they  arrive  before  they  were  known  to  be 
on  the  march ;  and  the  bayonet,  is  employed  with  a  frequency  for- 
merly unknown.  Sometimes^  it  is  brought  into  aptioo  late  in  a  hard 
fought  day ;  and  when  a  line  of  steady  vetercuis  are  already  fatiguml, 
ami  nearly  exlmusted,  by  a  long  continued  engagement,  they  are 
suddenly  assailed  with  that  £cH*midable  wei^u.  At  the  battle  of 
Marengo,  victory  long  hovered  in  suspense ;  and  the  Austrians, 
after  many  hours  of  brave  and  arduous  confljct,  were  about,  p orhapsj 
to  reap  the  fruits  of  their  perseverance,  when  the  sanoye  youug  eol- 
diei-s,  who  had  lately  rushed  from  Dijon  across  the  Alps,  chaJ?j|e4 

.« •  _»^    ^      .^l       i»     _     L_        ._-       »         1       il £i«^ii    — *"      ^^--^ij lii    TS— -    i*-*- 

tlfVlM    VJUQtUUMV    IfTACt   (mC   viiyOiiwi}    iiiiii    'SiiC    imMtr  Vi     Utiimtijinr   oi.SS'UC* 

cided.  !       -      *         ■  '      -'  -  ''  '••  r- ; ' -  - ' i;->.t ** -  .-.ij-jf^j* 


81 


!--»  .4. 


To  wh&t  extent  these  refldctkms  are  Kabte  to  contiwersy,  1. 


know  not.    Thev  seem  to  me.  to  rest  unon  nUin 


inowledged  feet— But,  if  any  man  doubt,  whether  the  youth  of  a 
foidier  be  a  great  advantage  under  the  new  system  of  war,  when  be 
fi  opposed  to  a  well  disciplined  veteran ;  at  least  it  will !.  ttnivcrsally 
Emitted,  thm  the  young  are  for  better  qualified  to  form  new  haWti, 
and  sustain  unaccu8totr»cJ  t^•^rd8hips,  than  the  old.  There  is  in  tlii* 
view,  if  in  no  other,  an  liadt^able  importance  in  the  ageof  our  volun-. 
teers.  A  man  v^  ^aa  been  in  the  array  thirty  years,  may  be  as 
hardy,  though  no.  s.^h  or  vigorous,  as  his  younger  comrade  ^ 
but  if  two  men,  of  different  ages  are  to  be  taken  at  onc«  from  tjhe 
tender  habits  of  domestic  life,  and  exposed  to  the  toils  of  a  camm 
paign,  who  can  hesitate  to  say,  that  the  younger,  is  iikeiy  best  to 
sustain  the  trying  effects  of  the  transition. 

'^-  Let  it  be  fairly  considered,  how  extreme  the  contrast  would  be, 
between  the  duties  to  which  a  volunteer,  in  the  event  of  invasion,, 
would  be  summoned,  and  the  ordinary  habits  of  a  man  who  has 
always  resided  in  the  bosom  of  his  family,  in  a  commercial  town  or 
city.     Even  to  young  men,  if  used  to  the  comforts  commonly  en- 
enjoyed  by  the  middle  ranks  of  Englishmen,  the  change  would  bo. 
painful  enough ;  but  to  sustain,  for  a  few  days  or  weeks,  hardships 
before  unknown,  would  be  to  them,  if  not  an  easy,  at  least  a  practi- 
cable task.    Not  so  to  a  man  who  has  passed  hi*  prime,,  without 
having  ever  learned  to  bear  the  inconveniences  of  wet  clothes,  bad 
loggings,  watching,  fatigue,and  the  other  sufferings  incident  tc  a  mili- 
tary life.     The  sense  of  honour,  or  fear  of  shame,  might  indeed 
goad  him  on,  to  endure  them  for  a  while :  but  he  would  soon  be 
reduced  to  an  absolute  incapacity  of  further  perseverance.  He  might 
continue  his  march,  or  stand  umler  arms  a  second  day,  or  a  third 
perhaps;  but  at  length  would  be  obliged,  however  reluctantly,  to  ask 
leave  to  retire,  or  sink  under  the  weight  of  his  sufferings. 

Nor  would  the  loss  of  service  of  such  feeble  soldiers,  be  the  only 
ill  consequence  of  their  involimtary  foilurc.  The  years,  and  the 
situations  in  life,  which  unfit  them  for  active  service,  naturally  give 
them  more  influence  in  the  corps  to  which  they  belong,  than 
youii^r  members;  and  an  example,  the  necessity  of  which  might 
however  painfully  felt  by  themselves,  be  equivocal  in  the  eyes  of 
others,  would  have  a  contagious  effect.  They  would  at  first  retat**. 
the  corps  by  their  languor,  and  afterwards  dishearten  it  by  their 
defection. 

Gn  iho  wuoic  ihereCbr^.  I  conclude,  that  mma  truly  patriotic 
and  valuable  eatablishnients,  our  volunteer  corps,  are,  as  now  coasji-  ■ 


tutcd,  from  the  ages  and  confirmed  habits  of  maiiy  of  their  mem- 
bers, as  well  as  from  some  existing  defects  of  a  remediable  kind, 
which  hav.  sjecn  noticed  Of  others,  a  species  of  force  not  well  qua- 
lified to  repel,  by  laborious  and  persevering  efforts,  the  impetuous 
amiies  of  France. 

After  all,  have  we  effective  soldiers,  regular  or  irregular,  suffi- 
cient in  point  of  numbers,  to  make  the  country  perfectly  safe  against 
a  powerful  invasion  ? 

The  volunteers,  much  more  than  the  regulars,  are  dispersed  in 
every  part  of  the  island;  and  no  great  proportion  of  them  could  be 
convened  at  anyi  given  point,  soon  enough  to  stop  the  progress  of 
an  enemy,  who  might  land  on  our  eastern  or  southern  coast,  before 
he  could  become  master  of  London.  Besides,  the  defects  which  I 
have  just  been  stating,  would  be  found  pecuUarly  fatal,  if  such  troops 
were  to  be  marched  from  distant  piirts  of  the  island,  immediately 
prior  to  their  being  brought  into  action. 

(  Of  the  volunteers  now  enrolled  throughout  the  kingdom,  a  great 
many  are  certainly,  in  point  of  discipline  as  well  as  bodily  qualifica- 
tions, unfit  for  actual  service;  and  a  large  proportion  even  of  those 
who  are  returned  as  effective,  will  not  be  found  so  upon  trial  ?— It  is 
too  common,  I  fear,  to  keep  every  member  on  the  effective  list,  who 
has  once  exercised  with  the  corps  in  battalion  upon  an  inspection  or 
general  muster;  though  perhaps,  he  never  was  perfect  even  in  his 
manual  exercise,  and  has  forgot  the  little  he  once  learned  of  iU. 
These  undisciplined  effectives  too,  are,  it  is  probable,  increasing 
very  rapidly,  in  almost  every  corps  not  receiving  pay,  though  their 
nominal  force  remains  undiminished.  > 

Without  cnlarffing  on  this  subject,  I  will  hazard  an  opinion  that 
there  are  not  50,000  volunteers  in  the  whole  island,  now  ready  to? 
take  the  field,  and  fit  to  act  against  an  enemy ;  yet  were  there  six 
times  as  many,  it  would  be  difficult  to  draw  together  two  armies  06 
that  amount,  in  time  to  make  a  first,  and  second  stand,  for  the  exist- 
ence of  their  country.     Supposing  a  battle  to  be  lost,  and  I^ndon 
muiie  hands  of  the  invaders,  the  subsequent  junction  of  volunteered 
who  are  scattered  over  the  whole  face  of  the  island,  would  be  no.f 
easy  w»rk.    With  a  most  active  and  energetic  enemy  in  the  centre, 
the  communications  between  the  east  and  the  west,  the  north  and^ 
the  south,  of  the  island,  would  not  oe  long  open.    The  hope  there- 
fore of  further  i-csistance,  would  depend,  not  merely  on  our  having 
enough  of  effective  volunteers,  to  form  a  powerful  reserve,  but  on 

their  beine:  sufficiently  numemns.  tn  maha  h»oj  i^  Aia^^.. l^^^o! 

the  country  at  the  same  moment,  and  fight  their  way  in  large  bo- 


83 

dies  to  a  general  rendezvous,  though  opposed  by  powerful  detach^ 
nients. 

If  it  be  objected,  "that  these  calculations  are  founded  on  an  as- 
sumption that  we  should  be  taken  by  surprise;  I  answer,  that  our 
nouce  of  an  approaching  invasion  would  probably  be  extremely  short, 
and  quite  insufficient  for  the  purpose  of  embodying  our  volunteers 
throughout  the  island,  prior  to  the  actual  descent.    The  means-of 
suddenly  embarking  a  large  army  at  Boulogne,  are  continually  at 
the  enemy's  command.     The  only  requisite  for  invasion  therefore, 
which,  unless  he  trusts  to  the  flotilla  alone,  he  must  p«>vide  by  new 
expedients,  is  a  convoying  fleet :  and  this,  as  has  been  already  shewn, 
he  may  very  possibly  obtain  by  a  preconcerted  junction  of  different 
squadrons  off  that  or  some  neighbouring  port.    But  the  only  proba- 
ble means  of  so  obtaining  a  temporary  superiority  in  the  channel 
are  so  far  from  being  inconsistent  with  secrecy,  that  they  necessarily 
imply  that  quality ;  nor  would  the  opportunity  when  found,  admit  of 
any  delay.     It  seems  not  unlikely  therefore,  that  the  same  day 
would  bring  us  advice  that  the  blockade  of  Boulogne  was  raised  by 
a  strong  hostile  fleet,  and  that  the  troops  were  beginning  to  embark: 
nor  is  it  impossible,  that  the  flotilla  might  be  already  on  our  coast,  ht. 
fore  the  danger  could  be  announced  by  government,  at  any  great 
distance  from  London. 

m   What  then  is  to  be  done  in  order  to  prepare  effectually  against 
the  danger  of  such  a  surprise,  with  our  present  means  of  interior 
defence?  Are  the  volunteers  to  be  called  from  their  homes,  and 
marched  into  distant  parts  of  the  kingdom,  there  to  be  formed  into 
armies,  on  every  alarm  ?  The  repetition  of  such  costly  and  vexatious 
means  of  preparation,  would  soon  exhaust  both  the  purse  and  the 
patience  of  the ,  country.     Besides,  as  the  danger  must  always  be 
imminent  as  long  as  a  large  army  is  encamped  within  sight  of  our 
coasts,  and  the  most  specious  indications  of  an  immediate  intention 
to  embark,  could  be  easily  made,  the  enemy,  if  he  found  he  couM 
reduce  ns  to  such  costly  defensive  expedients,  would  take  ca.c  we 
should  have  alarms  enough  to  harrass  our  volunteers  prior  to  an  ac^ 
tual  attempt.    It  is  plain  then,  that  forces  which  are  to  be  assem- 
bled from  many  different  districts  of  the  kingdom,  at  the  expense  of 
every  branch  of  civil  industry,  as  well  as  of  domestic  comfort,  must 
probably  be,  for  the  most  part,  unembodied  when  the  enemy  is  oa 
his  way  to  our  shores. 

^  What  is  the  practical  conclusion  from  these  remarks?  That  the 
Tahiutecis  uughi  to  be  disoanded,  or  discouraged  r — fai*  from  it—that 
their  numbers  ought  to  be  very  greatly  i.Qcrea»cd,  and  their  disci- 


plinc  improved.  But  that  if  this  cannot  be  efle^ed,  some  other 
means  must  be  found,  to  cover  the  country  more  abundantly  with 
aniucd  Citizens,  lully  pr^epured  lor  its  defence. 

The  danger  of  a  surprise  will  obviously  be  less  formidable,  the 
mischief  of  losing  a  battle  less  irreparable,  the  power  of  assembling 
new  armies  even  aftei*;  the  loss  of  the  capital,  less  difficult,  in  propor- 
tion  as  our  volunteers,  or  other  defensive  forces,  become  more  abun^- 
dant.  But  there  is  another  consideration  of  great  weight,  which  we 
need  not  disdain  to  learn  from  Buonaparte.  In  a  late  decree  or  pro- 
clamation for  multiplying  still  further  his  forces  by  new  conscrip- 
tions, he  observes,  that  while  the  objects  of  the  war  are  better  sc- 
oured by  increasing  the  amount  of  the  forces  employed  in  it,  war 
itself  becomes  less  sanguinary,  to  the  party  who  has  a  great  supe» 
riority  in  numbers;  resistance  being  speedily  subdued,  and  the  hor- 
rors of  a  long  protracted  contest  avoided.  The  justice  of  the  doc- 
trine, as  applied  to  his  own  enterprizes,  may  indeed  well  be  doubted ; 
because  he  extends  his  operations,  and  his  ambitious  designs,  in  pro* 
portion  to  the  magnitude  of  the  force  which  he  progressively  ac- 
quires.  But  if  applied  to  a  war,  the  field  and  object  of  which  are 
limited,  and  especially  to  a  war  of  interior  defence,  the  remark  is 
aelf-evidently  true.  The  greater  therefore  the  amount  of  our  de- 
fensive force,  regular  or  irregular,  the  less  of  British  blood  will  be 
shed  in  the  event  of  an  invasion,  while  the  dreadful  issue  of  a  foreign 
yoke  will  be  the  more  certainly  averted. 

Besides,  a  feeble,  and  barely  adequate  preparation,  though  it  might 
serve  to  repel,  would  not  prevent  invasion ;  and  our  country  would 
be  redeemed  at  a  painful  cost,  though  far  inferior  to  the  unspeakable, 
value  of  the  pledge,  if  we  had  to  combat  a  powerful  French  army  on 
British  ground,,  with  the  arms  of  our  volunteers.  But  if  the  people 
were  generally  armed  in  defence  of  the  country,  few  or  none  might 
have  to  bleed  for  it.  The  enemy,  in  all  probability,  would  not  dare. 
to  assail,  on  their  own  soil,  a  whole  nation  of  soldiers.  But  if  he 
shoujd  act  with  such  temerity  he  would  be  repulsed  with  an  over- 
whelming energy,  that  would  for  ever  preclude  a  renewal  of  the  mis- 
chievous attempt. 

War  too  itself  might  be  shortened  by  such  decisive  preparations. 
The  enemy  seeing  that  we  are  not  to  be  conquered,  might  be  glad  to 
give  us  peac* :  not  such  a  peace  as  would  make  him  speedily  master 
of  our  fattj ;  not  a  peace  by  which  he  would  add  the  sea  to  the  shores 
of  his  trentc  dous  dominion  in  the  old  world,  by  ceding  to  us  another 
eolony  or  two  in  the  new ;  but  a  peace  of  real  security,  and  genuine 
bo«iwr:  a  ppape  by  which,  in  sonje  degree  at  least,  the  sad  destiny 


it 

of  our  alUes  might  be  repaired,  and  the  bulwarks  of  Earope  rtatWed 
At  present,  if  we  are  not  strong  enough  at  home  for  a  war.  n^u.h 
less  so  tor  a  peace,  with  Buonaparte.  If  our  interior  force  gives  no 
adequate  protection  against  him  during  the  present  depression  of 
the  French  marine,  where  will  be  our  security  on  its  rcstitutiont 
and  If  we  are  now  not  sufficiently  prepared  to  repel  invasion,  aft*^ 
three  years  notice  of  the  danger,  how  much  less  should  we  be  so  on 
a  sndden  recommencement  of  war,  of  which  the  appearance  of  a 
French  fleet  on  our  shores,  would,  perhaps,  give  the  first  intima- 

tlOn.  :i<fv..;./'^ 

Were  there  no  other  argument  against  making  peace  at  this 
juncture,  a  decisive  one  might  be  found  in  the  present  inadequate 
and  dechnmg  state  of  pur  domestic  defence.  To  improve  it  when 
the  dangers  of  war  shall  be  supposed  to  have  subsided,  will  neither 
be  so  easy  in  respect  of  the  feelings  of  the  people,  nor  so  concilia- 
tory  m  regard  to  those  of  a  just  reconciled  enemy,  as  to  be  a  work 
htter  for  that  period,  than  the  present. 

If,  after  all,  any  reader  be  sanguine  enough  to  think  that  we  have 
already  enough  of  military  force  for  our  protection,  let  him  compare 
the  fatal  consequences  of  a  mistake  on  that  side,  with  the  inconve- 
mencies  of  superfluous  preparations.  Where  the  evil  to  be  risked 
IS  mfinite,  no  preventive  means  can  be  excessive,  which  may  con- 
tribute to  lessen  the  danger.  But  I  am  persuaded,  that  a  great 
inajority  of  the  public  will  require  no  arguments  to  convince  them 
that  our  interior  defensive  force  ought  to  be  improved.  They  will 
feel  more  difficulty  perhaps  on  the  subject  to  which  I  next  proceed, 
the  ^neans  of  improving  it. 

To  advance  the  discipline,  meliorate  the  physical  character,  and 
enlarge  the  number,  of  our  volunteer  corps,  are  beyond  doubt,  the 
best  defensive  expedients  we  can  possibly  resort  to,  if  such  improve- 
ments can  be  made.  That  they  are  in  a  financial,  commercial,  and 
constitutional  view,  more  desirable  than  a  large  increase  of  our  re- 
gular  army,  can,  I  presume,  be  doubted  by  nobody  :  and  in  a  mili- 
tary estimate,  they  are,  I  am  confident,  Hable  to  no  sound  objectic.s, 
but  such  as  may  be  removed. 

To  suppose  that  these  patriotic  bands  are  not  cupable  of  bein? 
made  fit  for  the  secure  defence  of  their  country,  because  they  can 
have  no  actual  employment  in  war  tiU  the  event  of  an  invasion's  to 
adhere  to  old  theories,  in  contempt  of  the  most  decisive  experierce 
The  French  officers,  are  said  to  expr-ess  astonishment  at  our  having- 

a  diffidence  i"  ''»u»'  v»^i""*-»"-s -'-==  ^„^' s_j :_  -  - 

,  "-"-----  -"  iiUu.  x^ajjIuucu  piiiicipie  ;  and  so 

they  reasonably  may  ;  for  by  whom  have  the  most  brilliant  exploits 


of  their  own  campaigns  been  performed,  but  troops  that  had  never 
•een  service  ?  We  oun*elves,  however,  might  have  learnt  to  coiw 
rect  the  (dd  prejudice  earlier,  by  our  experience  in  America ;  and 
what  a  glorious  refutation  was  lately  given  of  it  by  the  78th  regi- 
ment at  Maida  ?  .  ■ 
I'he  brave  young  Scotchmen  who  composed  that  corps,  wefe 
raised  in  1 805,  and  sent  to  the  Mediterranean  in  September  of  that 
year.  Till  they  landed  in  the  bay  of  St.  Euphemia  from  Sicily,  on 
the  first  of  July  last,  they  had  never  seen  a  musket-shot  fired  in 
actual  service ;  and  yet  they  confounded  by  their  steadiness,  as  wfell 
as  by  their  intrepidity  and  ardour,  the  bravest  battalions  of  France.* 


•  The  following  is  an  extract  of  a  letter,  from  one  of  the  gallant  young  offi- 
cers by  whom  this  corps  was  raised,  to  his  fiither,  a  rei^ectable  geiitieman  in  this 

4  *'  The  light  infantry  battalion,  commanded  by  lieutenant -colonel  tvcrapt,  the 
yftth,  Highlanders,  and  the  Slat  regiment  led  the  attack.  We  forijied  line,  at 
about  a  mile  in  front  of  the  enemy,  and  advanced  in  ordinary  time,  keeping  an 
excellent  line.  When  arrived  within  a  quarter  of  a  mile  of  the  enemy,  we  per- 
ceived them  in  three  large  sol!d  columns,  with  about  300  cavalry  on  their  right. 
They  advanced,  halted  and  deployed  into  line  with  much  seeming  regularity  and 
steadiness.  After  a  halt  of  about  five  minutes,  they  advanced  with  drums  beat- 
ing and  loud  shouting,  (the  latter  is  an  expedient  by  which  the  French  attempt 
to  ?  itirriidate  their  enemies,  at  the  critical  moment  of  an  attack,  and  often  witk 
great  success)  and  at  200  yards  distance,  the  firing  commenced, on  our  right,  by 
the  light  infantry  battalion.  The  78th  at  the  same  time  advanced,  but  without 
firing,  until  within  100  yards  of  them  j  when  we  commenced  and  received  a 
heavy  fire  for  a  quarter  of  an  hour.  The  enemy  then  retired :  and  we  charged 
them  four  times,  but  they  never  would  look  us  in  the  face — they  fled  about  half 
a. mile,  and  we  halted  to  breathe  a  little. 

•'  By  this  time,  the  78th  had  advanced  considerably  beyond  the  corps  on  their 
right  and  left.  The  enemy  perceiving  our  situation,  brought  forward  their  cavalry 
to  charge  us,  but  they  could  not  make  them  advance.  We  were  soon  supported 
by  the  light  infantry  battalion,  and  81st  regiment.  At  eight  o'clock,  a  large 
column  of  the  enemy  was  perceived  on  the  left  flank  of  the  first  line,  they  having 
out  flanked  us  by  marching  along  a  hollow  way  to  our  left ;  but  the  second  line 
had  perceived  this  manoeuvre,  and  were  prepared  for  them.  Our  regiments 
individually  charged  ;  and  after  three  hours  very  hard  fighting,  the  enemy  gfave 
way  in  all  quarters.  The  78th  and  light  infantry  continued  the  pursuit,  until 
near  two  o'clock.  The  French  had  about  8000  men  in  the  field,  and  the  British 
army  did  not  exceed  4795  rank  and  file,  as  you  will  perceive  by  the  annexed  ac- 
curate statement." 

"  The  commander  in  chief,  and  the  whole  army,  have  bestowed  on  the  78th 
the  greatest  praise,  for  their  brave  conduct ;  for  videcd,  nothing  on  earth,  could  pos- 
sibly resist  the  determined  bravery  oj  our  dear  lads;  luAo  repeatedly  charged,  driung 
ewry  thing  before  thein.     The  French  troops  were  mostly  iignt  infantry — ^two 


87 

lut  the  trooi*  wfid  lia^  thus  immortaHsed  their  fii^  attetopts 
m  arms,  have  not  been  men  who  at  the  middle  period  of  life,  or 
#feen  they  began  to  feel  the  infirmities  of  (JecUning  years,  hare  been 
transfdrmed  at  once  from  citizens  into  soldiers ;  nor  have  they  been 
taught  by  halves,  those  essential,  though  soon  acquired  arts,  of 
usmg  their  arms,  and  performing  military  movements.    Their  wan|/ 
of  experience  in  war,  and  of  long  habit  in  the  exerciser  of  the  camp 
have  been  their  only  defects;  but  then  these  also  are  the  only  defects 
inherent  in  the  constitution  of  the  BriUsh  volunteers;  and  while  such 
defenders  of  their  country  can  be  found  with  the  natural  requisites 
of  the  soldier,  I  see  not  why  they  should  not  be  enabled  to  rival  if 
they  found  an    ,  ^  ortunity  in  England,  the  heroes  of  Jcmappe,  and 

-  But  how,  it  may  be  asked,  are  we  to  improve  the  physical 
character  and  discipline  of  our  volunteers,  and  at  the  same  time  in- 
crease  thdr  numbers  ?  In  order  to  answer  that  question,  I  must  look 
back  to  the  original  constituti      of  these  corps;  and  point  out  the 
sources  of  those  defects  which  are  at  present  to  be  found  in  them. 
^    If  the  youth  of  any  country  are  the  fittest  to  defend  it  in  war, 
they  are  also  the  most  likely  to  become  its  voluntary  champions. 
The  same  feelings  which  qualify  them  for  soldiers,  impel  them  to 
he  the  most  forward  in  the  pursuits  of  fame ;  and  especially  of  mili- 
tary  glory.    But  our  volunteer  corps  are  of  two  classes ;  the  one 
formed  prior  to  the  training  act  of  1803,  the  other  subsequent  to" 
that  period  ;  and  both  were  composed  of  a  pretty  large  mixture  of 

regiments  of  them  were  favourite  corps  of  Buonaparte.    These  regiments  be- 

'^n/o.?'"^  ^  ""'"'  '"'^  ^'^  ""'  '^'"^  '^'  "^"'y  '^''  °"^  »>^lf  ^"«  bayoneted." 
.Of  950  young  men,  of  whom  the  78th  consisted,  more  than  the  half  were 

under  twenty  years  of  age ;  and  further  extracts  of  the  same  letter,  might  serve 

Itlf    ol7"'*""  °'.  *'"  ^""^^  °"  "'''^^  '  •^^^  ^«=^°-  --"' ^'i^  the 
youth  of  soldier,  especiaUy  m  services  of  hanisbip  and  fatigue.     During  five 

alu^H    ^^  "  'f''  "  "'"*'  ^'^"  ^°"^"^  ^'^P'^y^«i  -'^^  extraordinary 
rl?.!!  •  ""!  ^'-'""'"-^"^^  >-'*o«t  any  change  of  clothes,  and  without  any 

.^1  ff "!      "   •':  ''"  ^°""''  "^'  "^^^"^^  ^— •"  adds  the  writer! 
snug  htUe  places,  wath  bushes  and  weeds,  a,ui  I  a.sure  you  sleep  n^t  c^.forta. 

o    .0.    T!'''^   ^^'''°''''^'*"'^^''^"'^'^  ^«°^-     L^t  the  volunteer  of  40 
or  50  consult  h,s  own  experience  of  the  bodily  effects  of  such  hardships  as  he  has 

ever  known  and  then  suppose  himself  to  have  been  in  the  rSth  regiment,  firs^ 

hanng  the  hardships  here  mentioned  for  five  days,  then  marching  and  fig^t^, 

have  been  h,s  probable  share  of  strength  and  animation  in  the  battle.    If  this 
case  proves  that  th**  rnus^  ~.a"  ".»  =r-'-'       _a  ..  "  "us 

n«i«-   lit       .  '        '       " ^  -• "V"  lu /uMiiij  Buioicrs,  it  proves 

no  less  clearly  that  they  fiisiUd  be  young  nien. 


^ 


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A^ 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGF^  (MT-3) 


10 


I.I 


1.25 


L£12.8     12.5 
|io  "^™     IMHI 

M    12.0 


2.2 


1.4 


6" 


1.8 


1.6 


Sciences 
Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)  872-4S03 


4^ 


^> 


^ 
^ 


1^8 


Tnid(He  aged  and  etdeily  men,  as  wdl  at  itieh  of  delicate  habits,  ffom 
artificial  causes.  The  former,  were  chiefly  enrolled  in  troublesome 
times,  with  a  vievnr  to  assisting  the  civil  poiirer  in  the  suppression  of 
popular  insurrections ;  a  purposfe  in  which  men  above  the  lower  class, 
and  who  had  passed  the  prime  of  life,  were  led  to  engage,  chiefty 
for  the  sake  of  promoting  the  public  object  by  their  influence  and 
example;  considerinr;  that  as  there  was  no  danger  of  their  being 
cailed  into  any  servico  far  beyond  the  limits  of  the  town  in  which 
they  resided,  they  should  be  exposed  to  no  very  inconvenient  or 
laborious  duties.  Yet  when  the  country  began  to  be  thought  in 
danger  from  without,  such  men  felt  an  honorary  objection  to  retiiteg 
from  the  corps  in  which  they  were  enroll:^,  and  to  the  formation 
of  which  they  had  contributed.  *    '       * 

The  same  was  a  frequent  c&s^.  In  several  corps  raised  dc^ng 
the  last  war,  under  an  alarm  of  invasion,  but  whose  o£&rs  of  service- 
were  then  restricted  to  particular  districts.  '!     xi;  >.;  : 

The  great  aera,  however,  of  volunteer  institutions  was  in  the  year 
1803,  when  the  act  for  the  defence  of  the  cortoitry,  usually  called  the 
levy  in  mass  act,  held  forth  to  every  male  between  the  age;?  of  17 
and  55,  the  alternative  of  cither  serving  in  a  volunteer  corjjs  of  his 
pwn  choice,  or  being  trained  with  men  of  all  ranks,  in  a  compulsory 
way,  in  the  parish  to  which  he  belonged.^ 

'^  Regard  to  personal  credit,  ease,  and  convenience,  now  conspired 
with  a  sense  of  honour  and  patriotism,  to  induce  gentlemen,  and  ' 
xnen  above  the  labouring  classes,  to  form  volunteer  associations,  oi* 
to  enter  into  those  which  were  already  formed,  in  the  neighbour-  . 
hood  of  their  respective  abodes.  With  many,  the  very  circum- 
stances which  tnade  thejn  unfit  for  soldiers,  were  inducements  to 
such  conduct ;  for  if  their  constitutions  were  delibate,  or  incapable  of 
bearing  fatigue,  they  naturally  expected  more  consideration  and  in- 
dulgence when  commanded  by,  and  associated  with,  their  eqlials  and 
Irlends,  than  in  the  ranks  of  a  parochial  mass.  As  volunteers  too, 
they  had  a  certainty  of  the  choice  of  good  weather,  and  convenient 
hours,  for  the  business  of  the  drill.  They  knew  indeed,  that  by 
volunteering,  they  might  place  themselves  in  a  liability  to  be  called 
out  into  the  field  in  the  event  of  invasion,  when  periiaps  the  latter 
classes,  to  which  they  would  have  belonged  in  the  mass,  might  not 
have  been  put  in  requisition  ;  but  the  nearer  and  more  certain  ir  ■ 
conveniences  of  the  drill,  were  more  formidable,  than  the  distant  and 
precarious  hardships  of  service  against  invaders;  a  service  too,  under 
which  men  ot  right  feelings,  expected  that  their  bodies  would  be 
I>o\verfully  sustained  by  their  rainds.    The  expectation  was  i"  some 


«legreejust;  though  knowledge  of  roiUtary  auOcs,  aii4  experienqi 
of  bodily  hardships  in  general,  had  not  taught  them  its  proper  Umita:' 
Besides,  the  levy  m  mass  act,  placed  men  under  fifty,  who  were  uq- 

n»med  airi  had  no  children  leas  than  ten  v««t«.  nM   ;«  *u j 

ctaas  or  requtsttwn.  These  tberefore,  very  litUe  increased  tbew 
chance  of  actual  service,  by  enrolHag  themselves  as  voluntrero.     i 

Fashion,  and  delicacy,  soon  inclined  gentlemen  the  same  way, 
who  might  have  made  a  different  choice;  for  it  was  perceived,  that 
those  who  waited  for  the  operaUon  of  the  act,  would  find  few  of  their 
own  rank  in  Ufe  to  keep  them  in  countenance,  and  would  have 
scarcely  any  other  associates  in  the  parish  trained  bands,  than  ma, 
Pial  servants  and  labouters.    Other  gentlemen,  very  unfit  by  yearn 
«nd  consUtution,  for  military  duties,  but  who  had  long  before  en- 
roUed  themselves  in  rolunteer  corps  formed  at  much  earlier  periods, 
tod  when  their  constitutions,  perhaps,  were  equal  to  those  very 
kmited  services  for  which  they  engaged,  felt  an  honorary  repug- 
nance  to  withdrawing,  when  their  corps,  at  a  period  of  pi,Uc  dangw 
extended  its  offer  of  service,  as  required  under  the  masract,  to  anf 
part  oflhe  rc^m.  .  ' 

,       The  consequences  of  these  concurring  causes  was,  that  a  imm.- 
^r  of  volunteers,  more  than  sufficient  to  satisfy  the  wishes  of  go* 
flfemtnent  at  that  period,  was  speedUy  enrolled  ;  but  that  the  propor- 
^  of  townsmen,  ia  comparison  With  the  more  haixJy  inhabitants 
^  the  country,  of  middle  aged  or  dderly  men,  in  proportion  to  the  . 
#o«ng»  of  tender  or  valetudinary  persons  in  proportion  to  the  robust 
,  and  healthful,  and  of  gentry,  or  men  above  the  lowest  class,  in  com- 
parison with  the  peasantry  and  woriimen,  was  unnaturally  and  unfor- 
tunately great.    Almost  the  only  volunteer  corps  composed  wholly, 
or  chiefly  of  men  who  were  corporeafly  fit  to  make  good  soldiers, 
i*re  those  which  wens  put  upon  pay  by  private  subscriptions. 
The  common  peo^  having  no  apprehension  of  being  worse  skuih 
ted  thim  others  by  tne  operation  erf  the  act,  had  scarcely  any  other 
motive  for  vohmteering.    They  were,  nevertheless,  by  the  perauar 
sion  of  their  superiors,  and  by  the  prevailing  argument,  that  they 
soon  must  be  drilled,  either  by  compulsion  or  choice,  beginning  to 
come  forward  in  many  phices,  when  it  was  unfortunately  announced, 
that  volunteers  enough  had  been  found  for  the  defence  of  the  eoun- 
try,  and  that  the  mass  act  would  not  be  enforced. 
i    I  have  ever  regarded  it  as  a  great  and  mo^  unfortunate  txrm  on 
^is  occasion,  that  no  wiention  was  paid  to  age,  rank,  or  ntuirtioti  iA 
life ;  but  to  numerical  sufficiency  alone.    It  was  an  error,  howeven 
which  todt  its  rise  in  the  defence  act  itself  which,  in  its  estimate  ol 


M 


&«  fulBciency  of  a  volunteer  foi%e,  totallf  disregarded  such  differ- 
ences; even  that  moat  important  one,  the  distinction  between  yoitth 
ind  age,  in  a  new  soldier.     When  a  numher  of  volunteers,  between 

k*t'#ntA»n  arbl  fiftc  .fiv«  v^nw*  nW.  #nnnl  *t\  thn^r^Cntiviha.  nf  tit*  niiw*. 

feer  of  men  in  the  first  class  in  any  district,  should  be  actually  enrolled, 
the  king  was  empowered  to  suspend,  in  such  dictnct,  the  operati<m 
Of  the  act ;  so  that  a  volunteer  of  fifty^five,  was  regarded  as  an  ade- 
quate substitute  for  a  main  between  seventeen  and  thirty.  It  was 
thought,  perhaps,  that  volunteers  might  be  safely  left  to  appreciate 
Ibr  themselves  their  natural  capacity  for  service ;  but  this,  under  the 
artificial  circunistances  which  I  have  stated,  was  a  fallacious  reliance ; 
find  besides,  if  that  great  master  in  the  school  of  nature,  Shakspeare^ 
toay  be  trusted,  men  who  are  the  fittest  for  military  duties,  are  very 
commonly  the  least  willing  to  perform  them. 

In  fact,  the  gnmd  principle  which  I  am  so  anxious  to  recom- 

.  jnend,  that  by  which  France  has  performed  her  wonders  in  the  two 
last  wars,  seems  hardly  to  have  had  any  place  in  our  scheme  of  na- 
tional defence.  If  the  youth  of  men  liable  to  service,  determined 
their  classification  in  thi  mass,  it  was  in  a  compound  ratio  of  years 
«nd  domestic  relations.  The  reason  of  imposing  less  public  bur- 
thens on  %  married  man  who  has  in&nt  children,  than  on  a  batchelor, 
is  obvious:  but  th<  e  is  no  case  perhaps  in  which  it  was  of  less  force, 
ttan  in  that  of  a  public  exigency,  which  demands  our  personal  ser- 
■vice  for  the  safety  of  the  realm.  At  least,  however,  the  public,  was 
Immoderately  sacrificed  to  the  private,  consideration,  when  the  un- 
married man  of  fifty,  was  placed  in  the  line  of  service,  and  of  prepa-^ 
ration  for  future  service,  before  tiie  married  man  of  twenty  or  seven- 
jteen. 

vr  "''At  the  same  time,  it  is  right  to  observe,  that  the  probaUe  in- 
trisase  of  parochial  burthens,  was  a  consideration  of  some  weight, 
which  reasonably,  perhaps,  controlled  to  a  certain  extent,  the  appll- 
^jation  of  right  military  principles  in  a  general  law  of  that  kind.    But 
'«B  far  as  the  principle  in  question  was  adopted  in  the  compulsory- 
clauses  of  the  mass  bill,  it  should  clearly  have  been  extended  to  the 
commutation  to  be  accepted  in  volunteer  service.    Returns,  there- 
"fcre,  should  have  been  required,  of  the  ages  of  the  men  who  had  of- 
fered to  enroll  themselves;  and  individuals  of  the  first  class,  should 

.  Hot  have  been  exempted  from  the  compuisoiy  effect  of  the  act,  unless 
in  competent  number  of  men  of  the  same  preferable  description,  of- 
fered to  serve  as  volunteers.  -  It  was  not  just  cr  politic,  that  single 
jmen  df  twenty  or  twettty-five,  should  be  exempted  from  the  incon- 
^niences  of  the  training  plan,  and  left  in  a  stale  of  unfititess  to  serve 


tbeir  country  in  time  of  need,  because  roamed  men,  of  foft^vejr 
fifty,  were  more  prompt  in  their  ofiers  of  service.  <'■ 

The  course  that  was  taken,  has  not  only  given  us  a  body  of  volun* 

•^~T'n  — .— —wS-  «li  KMiutat  4uaiiuu<iUuus,  lO  lIUll  WBICIl-  W©  ntl^Ht  HaVe. 

possessed ;  but  has  thsreby  very  greatly  tended  to  prevent  the  aUaiOT. 
ment  of  such  perfection  in  disciplme,  au  these  defenders  of  th3« 
country  might  have  acquired;  and  to  occasion  that  decline,  bothin 
discipUne  an  '  effective  numbers,  -.rhich  we  have  now  so  much  cause 
to  lament.  liad  young  men  only  been  enrolled  in  the  volunteer  corps, 
youthful  emulation  would  have  led  them  to  make  greater  exertiont 
to  become  expert  in  their  military  exercises;  and  this  spirit  woul4 
i»t  have  been  checked  by  the  inconveniencies  of  fatigue  or  bad  wea- 
ther. «  You  cannot  imagine,  (wrote  a  young  volunteer  of  Ireland,  to 
his  friend,  when  on  service  in  the  rebellion  there)  what  fine  sport  we 
have  had;  we  never  halted  long  in  the  same  place,  but  have  been 
matching  continually  in  all  weathers,  and  slept  on  the  ground  a^ 
Bight."    The  imagination  of  youth  is  an  alembic  which  can  extrw^ 
i»pirit8,  even  from  tl.3  cold  dregs  of  discomfort.  The  lighter  motiv;^ 
lor  volunteering  also,  are  pecuUarly  fish  by  young  men ;  but  I  will 
nt^t  particularize  them,  lest  I  should  seeir     deti'act  frtnnthat  manly^ 
generous,  and  patriotic  spirit,  by  which  tue  defenders  of  their  coun- 
try are  chiefly  actuated.  In  aU  these  resptjcts,  the  volunteer  of  forty- 
five  is  a  most  unequal  associate  for  his  comrade  of  twenty.  The  ^- 
mulus  is  less  with  him,  the  sacrifices  infinitely  greater.  The  <me  f$- 
turns  from  the  drill,  or  the  parade,  fatigued  and  disordered,  by  a  por- 
tion of  exercise,  by  which  the  other  is  rather  enlivened.   The  senior 
too  surely  anticipates  a  cold  or  rheumatism,  from  he  efi^ects  of  wet 
clothes  at  a  review;  while  the  junior  laughs  at  his  alarms,  and  es- 
capes without  any  inconvenience.    In  short,  nature,  in  the  one  case, 
inclines  towards  military  service;  in  the  other  case  strongly  revolta 
from  it. 

J  If  the  elder,  or  less  vigorous  members  of  a  corps,  were  induced 
by  these  disparities,  to  retire,  they  would,  at  least,  do  no  harm  to  the 
cause;  as  the  loss  of  such  soIdie;*s  would  be  no  subject  of  regret:  but 
this,  a  false  sense  of  honour,  too  generally  prevents.  Nor  is  it  plea- 
sant to  a  man's  feelbgs,  when  he  has  been  reported  as  an  effectiva 
soldier,  to  request  to  be  put  on  the  non  effective  list,  while  his  healtji 
is  apparently  good.  The  common  expedient,  therefore,  in  such 
cases,  has  been  not  to  resign,  but  to  withdraw  more  and  more  from 
the  meetings  of  the  corps;  till  at  length  such  members  rarely  attend 
at  all,  except  on  extraordinary  occasions.  Tbgir  example,  naturally 
induces  others  .who  f^  Ijbss.  iMifitjrQiVBcrvi«?>  tp.be  rery  lax  in  their 


mummm^ 


\ 


atten&mce,  when  b^iness  or  plourare  presents  the  smaller  tempt^' 
tbn  to  the  fault;  and  the  younger  roembera  at  length  think  it  qttite 
allowraUe,  and  even  fashionable,  to  be  f^»ent  from  the  ordbaiy  mus- 
ters. MeMDtime,  emulation  in  militanr  exercise,  is  greatly  damped 
b^jr  the  same  cause.  The  musters  smd  inspections  are  so  thinly  at- 
fi(»ided,  that  the  ^rps  can  no  l<Miger  make  a  respectable  appearance 
m  the  paiMie ;  and  those  who  are  most  expert  in  the  usual  evolu* 
lions,  find  their  merited  credit  lost,  through  the  aukwanbtess  and 
nlstakes  of  some  of  the  other  members,  who  have  been  Absent  at 
previous  meetings. 

Having  assigned  the  causes  of  these  gi-eat  defects  in  the  compo« 
skbn  of  the  volunteer  corps,  it  remains  to  suggest  some  practicid 
tteuis  by  which  they  may  be  removed.  .  i* 

*#>  The  chief  defect  of  idl,  that  which  consists  in  the  insufficiency  of 
tfie  numbers  «f  vohint^rs  of  prc^r  ages  and  habdits,  for  our  secure 
defence,  qin  of  course  only  be  remedied  by  new  enrolhnents.  Bitf 
the  intermixture  of  young  and  old  members,  i»  existing  corps,  which 
is  so  great  a  drawback  on  the  impiwnement  of  the  former  in  disci" 
pline,  and  likely  to  nili»^  their  efficiency  in  actiwii  service,  is  an  evil 
that  may  be  easily  corrected.  Nothing  more  is  necessary,  than  to 
distribute  the  members  into  two  or  three  different  classes,  accoi-ding 
to  their  different  periods  of  life;  and  then  form  them  into  first,  se- 
cond, and  thind  battalions,  first,  second,  and  third  complies,  or  still 
smaller  cUvisions,  proportionate  to  the  strength  of  the  corps.  Young 
men  would  then  have  a  fair  opportunity  to  qualify  themselves  com^ 
^letely  for  actual  sei-vke,  by  exercising  with  men  of  their  own  age, 
without  being  retarded  or  embarrassed  by  their  less  expert  and  less 
active  seniors:  and  the  first  divisions  of  many  different  corps,  might 
be  brigaded  together,  and  taught  the  more  complicated  evolutions, 
on  the  largest  scale,  viith  the  same  important  advanta^  It  would 
SQon  become  discreditable  among  them  to  be  lax  in  attendance,  or  to 
be  found  incorrect  Ln  the  field  ;  and  in  the  event  of  an  invasion,  an 
incorporation  of  the  first  battalions,  companies,  or  divisions  of  the 
nearest  volunteer  corps,  would  oppose  to  the  enemy  an  army  of 
youthful  patriots,  who,  Uke  the  heroes  of  Maida,  might  in  their  first 
military  essay,  surpass  his  bravest  troops. 

Though  this  new  regulation  in  our  volunteer  corps,  would  im- 
prove their  military  character,  it  would  not,  I  admit,  immediately  in- 
crease  their  numbck's.  It  would  not,  however,  produce  a  Gontrary 
^=--r»  — •  s.ro  / »»»«.g».»  <nkmQ«iir>,«vuUmiH>  uuiuiu  more  sirongty  thsA 
eyer  by  a  sense  of  honour,  not  to  desert  the  cause  of  tbdir  country, 
whea  tffey  found  themselves  peculiariy  reUed  upon  for  its  support; 


93 

md  placed,  as  it  were,  m  the  firoit  Kne  of  owOtimmnmtmxi 
Their  eWers,  on  the  other  hand,  reUeved  from  an  arduous  and  un*' 
equal  competitiai,  and  placed  in  their  proper  stations,  would  no 

„ J.  ««,^«ic  »wr  iiegicGung  tocn-  assumed  du 

ties,  and  absenting  themselves  entirely  from  the  parade.  They 
would  i»epare  themsehres  better  for  the  services  to  which  they  mkthi 
be  really  equal.  ^ 

Itmigtoteven  not  unreasonably  be  expected,  that  an  improve-  ^ 
ment  which  would  raise  the  reputation  and  conseqwnce  of  the  to* 
lunteers  in  general,  would  progressively  add  to  their  numbers. 
.  >.     While,  however,  I  would  thus  cherish  the  spontaneous  contribu- 
tions  of  miUtary  spirit,  and  patriotic  sentiment;  while  I  place  tlie 
highest  value  on  the  volunteer  corps,  and  deprecate  every  thing 
Which  tends  to  their  discouragement,  I  am  far  from  thinking  that  the 
aefence  of  England,  at  this  awful  conjuncture,  should  be  left  to  their 
arms  akme,  limited  as  their  efikicnt  force  now  is,  in  conjunction  with 
our  present  establishment  of  militia  and  regular  troops.  There  was  a 
tome,  when  by  adopting  the  principles  here  recommended^  we  might 
^ve  bad  volunteers  enough,  and  of  the  very  best  quaKty.    A  new 
tall  from  the  government  and  the  legislature,  perhaps,  might  still  in- 
duce  the  youth  of  the  country  more  generally  to  take  up  arms.  But 
if  not,  such  a  call  ought  to  be  enft«x;ed  by  anew  compulsory  law 
^JsABd  here  again,  I  will  dare  to  censure  both  the  great  parries  m 
thfe  state:  the  administration  for  being  content  with  so  very  inade- 
quate a  measure  as  the  existing  Trainhig  Act;  the  opposition,  for 
condemning  even  that  faint  approach  towards  vigorous  preparadoo, 
Ma  needless  burthen  on  the  people. 

^     While  France,  to  use  a  phrase  repeated  so  often  that  its  awfu! 
import  has  ceased  to  be  felt,  is  become  a  nation  ofiioldUers,  and  while 
she  is  assiduously  impressmg  on  all  her  new  dominions  in  Europe, 
the  same  terrible  character,  it  is  truly  amazing  to  hear  British  states- 
men condemn,  as  oppressive  or  needless,  the  principle  of  compul- 
9ory  service.    But  it  is  not  less  extraordinary,  to  find  the  appKcatioii 
of  that  principle,  limited  to  a  service  of  twenty-four  days  in  thre<» 
years.    Yet  this  is  the  utmost  effect  of  the  Training  Act  now  in 
force.    His  Majesty's  undoubted  prerogative  in  time  of  actual  inva- 
sipn,  IS  not  indeed  impaired  by  this  law.    He  may  then  call  for  the 
full  service  of  all  his  people :  but  in  an  age  when  military  science  has 
reached  such  high  perfectbn,  and  when  all  its  instruments  to  be  use- 
ful, must  be  prepared  by  previous  discipline,  this  prerogative  would 
be  very  ineffectud  in  the  hour  of  danger,  if  prevtom  riieasures  should 
not  have  pawd  the  way  ^  its  esefcae.    tk,»  i»».{oi««„»^  «i i-— _ 


I 


wmmm 


steps  81  to  prefMire  the  peo{^e  for  performing  the  nu»t  importut 
duty  of  their  allegiance  in  time  of  need;  and  sends  f.htm  for  twenty',, 
/bur  day$  to  the  drilU  under  parish  conrtafales ! !  Even  this  is  to  be 
done  in  so  stow  and  progressive  a  method,  that  unless  the  enemy 
i^iaU  be  very  dilatory  indeed,  he  may  socMier  provide  a  marine  for  the 
invasion  of  England,  than  a  tenth  part  of  the  people  of  England  fit 
for  military  service,  will  be  thus  trained  to  receive  him. 
» -  It  would  be  unjust  to  the  minister  who  propoM^  tbb  law*  and 
who  certamly.  possesses  very  rare  and  brilliant  talents,  not  todiserve, 
that  he  himself  does  not  much  rely  on  the  effect  of  it  for  our  securityi 
\mt  looks  chiefljr  to  a  regular  army.-— Where  however,  is  that  army 
at  present?  I  speak  in  reference,  not  to  his  plan  for  recruiting  itf 
which  seems  to  be  built  upon  a  wise  as  well  as  liberal  principle ;  but 
to  the  disposition  of  its  existing  force.  If  the  regular  army  is  to  be 
enlarged,  only  to  furnish  means  of  foreign  expediUons,  and  colonial 
conquests,  I  see  not  how  the  ablest  pkn  for  its  extensimi)  can  add  to 
Wr  domestic  safety. 

,  Is  it  really  then  thought  too  much,  that  Englishmen  should  be 
obliged  to  prepare  themselves  effectually  for  the  interior  defence  of 
their  country  ?  In  what  nation,  but  our  own,  was  it  ever  doubted,  that 
free  men  are  bound  to  serve  the  state  with  their  arms,  if  necessary, 
even  in  foreign  and  distant  war?  In  the  freest  communities  of 
Greece,  such  was  the  common  duty  of  all  the  citizens.  At  Rome, 
even  in  the  utmost  plentitude  of  her  liberty,  the  free  citizen  who 
upon  the  C(m«uA  refused  to  take  his  military  oath  of  enrollment,  and 
to  march  wherever  the  Roman  eagles  led  him,  was  sold  into  per- 
petual slavery;  as  unworthy  to  enjoy  the  freedom  of  that  country^ 
for  which  he  was  unwilling  to  fight. 

t^i  By  the  happy  effects  of  our  insular  situation,  and  maritime 
strength,  tuded  by  that  inestimable  modem  defence  of  Europe,  now 
so  fatally  subverted,  the  balance  of  power  among  nadons,  we  have 
hitherto  held  in  this  respect,  the  richest  inheritance  of  the  earth,  at 
the  cheapest  quit  rent.  Since  the  decay  of  the  feudal  system,  and 
its  military  services,  we  have  ncrt  been  called  upon  to  defend  our 
fi^edom,  perfect  and  unexampled,  though  it  is,  at  the  same  cost 
which  other  nations  have  paid,  for  extending  the  power,  and  promo- 
ting  the  glory  of  their  tyrants. 

These  happy  times  however,  are  passed  9way,  and  a  new  state  of 
things,  more  natural  in  a  world  of  violence  and  wrong,  prescribes  to 
us  new  duties.  Yet  still  we  have  our  citadel  amidst  the  waves ;  and 
blessed  be  God,  still  possess  our  ascendancy  in  point  of  maritime 
pQWer.    We  may  yet  therefore  retain  the  best  part  of  our  singular 


exemption  from  the  mUitary  duties  otfft^timiWmi^-miqat^ 
is  not  necessary, to  our  safety;  and  thercfopc  no  Briton  need  be  rc^ 
quired  to  bear  arms,  except  within  the  borders  of  his  country. 

•iAre  there  any  men  «ni<nig  us  who  hold  even  this  too  much?  If 
•0,  they  are  unworthy  of  the  national  blessings  they  enjoy;  and 
.especially  unworthy  of  British  liberty. 

If  such  persons  would  do  less  for  the  senriciTof  their  countffi 
than  every  other  free  people  have  been  content  to  do  in  similar 
cases,  let  them  regard  with  terror  at  least,  if  not  with  edification, 
ihe  present  example  of  France.  The  system  began  during  her 
boasted  liberty,  is  continued  to  this  hour,  and  is  not  likely  to  be  re- 
linquished. There,  every  man  is  liable  to  serve  who  is  of  an  age 
for  military  duties ;  though  those  between  18  and  25,  alone,  have  yet 
been  put  in  requisition.  Is  it  fit,  that  Frenchmen  should  do  and 
suffer  more,  to  overthrow  EngUsh  liberty,  than  we  to  preserve  it?— 

And  if  such  a  humiliating  contrast  were  decorous;  is  it  safe? It  is 

iwipossible,  that  a  nation  so  superior  in  energy  to  us,  should  long 
fail  to  reduce  us  to  the  bondage  we  deserve?  No^it  is  the  general, 
the  inevitable  course  of  human  affairs,  that  a  warlike  people  who 
sink  the  citizen  in  the  soldier,  must  give  law  to  their  unarmed 
neighbours.  Standing  armies,  however  brave  and  faithful,  will  not 
long  protect  a  community  that  trusts  to  them  alone,  against  a  nation 
of  soldiers. 

V-    We  may  well  lament  that  such  a  military  system  as  that  of 
France,  should  have  started  up  again  in  Europe;  and  that  the  iron 
age  of  arms  should  revive  in  the  19th  century;  but  the  regret  is  un- 
availing--«s  our  enemies  have  set  this  terr'  le  example,  we  must 
follow  it,  or  perish.     Such  would  be  the  Uiiemma,  even  if  thes« 
enemies,  like  the  subverters  of  the  Roman  empire,  were  rude  and 
uneivilized  in  comparison  of  ourselves,  distant  from  us  in  place,  and 
inferior  in  extent  of  dominion ;  how  much  more  certainly  so,  when 
we  have  to  conflict  with  a  power,  which  rivals  us  in  arts  and  arms, 
which  looks  into  our  harbours,  and  which  can  now  summon  to  the 
field,  more  than  half  perhaps,  of  the  whole  military  force  of  Europe. 
But  if  any  Briton  can  be  unmoved  with  the  dangers  that  menace 
his  country,  I  beseech  him  to  remember  his  own.    He  would  nbt 
choose  it  seems  to  become  a  soldier,  to  avert  ail  the  horrors  which 
would  fall  upon  his  native  land,  in  the  event  of  its  conquest  by  France. 
But  does  he  suppose,  that  in  that  event,  he  will  be  exempted  from 
military  service?  No^-^he  may  rest  assured,  that  he  would  soon  be 
compelled  to  takeup  arms  in  the  hard  service  of  the  conqueror.    Si 


96 


nalMtmuut  curre^  hydroiucM.    If  he  wiU  not  march  as  a  free  mai», 
he  Mrill  have  to  march  as  a  slave. 

Buonapftrte,  who  has  tnwle  Batavian  and  Italian  conscripts,  vill 
klfdKibly  maVe  English  conscripts  too,  whenever  he  has  power.  Is 
it  supposed  he  will  then  have  no  more  u»e  for  soldiers?  He  will  find 
it  convenient  at  least,  to  drain  q\xv  capti\^  land,  of  its  young  and  ar- 
dent spirits,  as  the  iftost  likely  to  break  their  chains.  Nor  will  ho 
want  new  fields  of  Uood  for  them,  wherein  they  may  gather  fresh 
laurels  to  adorn  the  brows  of  their  master.  The  vast  extent  of  Rus- 
sia, may  find  long  employment  for  his  arms;  so  may  the  distant  re- 
gions  of  the  new  wwW ;  and  even  Africa,  which  during  the  late  peace, 
he  formed  the  plan  of  colonizing  and  covering  with  military  stations, 
might  furnish  a  copious  drain  for  the  juvenile  conscripts  of  England. 
Righteous  governor  of  the  world !  who  knows,  but  it  may  be  among 
the  stores  of  thy  retributory  justice,  already  so  conspicuous  in  our 
&te,  that  the  f  outh  of  England  shall  be  led  captive  into  that  very 
land,  whose  hopless  children  we  now  cruelly  exile  and  enslave  I 

That  our  enemy  aims  at  conquering  the  whole  worid  is  now 
ibundantly  evident.  He  will  long  therefore,  have  new  battles  to 
fight,  or  at  least  new  nations  to  overrun ;  and  whea  even  the  world  is 
his  own,  the  provinces  of  his  empire,  lAust  be  kept  in  awe  by  mili- 
tary force.  There  is  no  doubt  therefore  that  his  system  of  conscrip- 
tion will  be  as  extensive  as  his  conquests;  and  it  will  probably  be  his 
prudent  plan,  to  transport  the  levies  of  every  country  into  some  dis- 
tant province ;  just  as  he  sent  his  unfortunate  Polish  legions,  to  em- 
I^y  their  free  born  ardour  in  the  slave-war  of  St.  Domingo. 
V  Should  our  gallant  young  men,  from  18  to  25,  be  marched  in 
chains,  like  the  conscripts  of  France,  to  the  coast,  and  embarked  for 
service  in  the  torrid  zone,  or  in  some  crther  distant  region ;  they  may  be 
indulged  perhaps,  with  a  last  embrace  of  their  chaste  wives,  or  a  last 
adieu  to  the  dear  objects  of  their  first  affections ;  and  then,  if  the  pain 
of  leaving  such  pledges  in  the  hands  of  their  licentious  mastere  shall 
admit  of  any  aggravation,  it  may  be  found  m  the  thouglitj  that  by  a 
timely  enrollment  for  the  defence  of  their  country,  all  this  might 
have  been  avoided.  How  will  they  then  exe<yate  those  improvident 
lawgivers  and  statesmen,  who  indulged  their  love  of  ease,  at  the  ex- 
pense of  their  civil  security ! 

The  djvious  conclusion  from  these  remarks,  is  that  a$i  far  as  in- 
foluntary  service  may  be  necessary  for  the  full  and  perfect  security 
of  the  country,  it  ought  without  scruple  to  be  exacted. 

How  far  sucli  a  necessity  now  really  extends,  it  may  not  be  ea|y 


■■'B  ■^:. 


^ 


■•^r* 


to  5«erm!ne;  Ut  -iboldng  at  the  present  aituttion  of  Europe,  wxT 
especwlFy  at  the  population  of  the  French  empire,  it  is  surely  no 
Immoderate  estimate,  that  what  France  has  already  done.  E«-Ld 
cannot  safely  omit.  We  should  at  least,  go  as  far  in  premratS;,  a, 
she  has  gone  in  practice.  WhUe  her  young  men  from  18  to  25  m 
actually  serving,  our  young  men  of  the  same  ages,  should  at  least  be 
preparing  to  acrre. 

'  Jam  for  however  from  thinking,  that  this  is  the  only  part  of  our 
popufetton  whith  ought  to  be  trained  to  arms.  Every  man  under  45, 
should  be  m  some  degree  prepared  to  take  part  in  the  defence  of  the 
eountry :  but  while  a  moderate  share  of  discipline,  might  be  all  that 
^I'nfjhl'  ^.^l^'d  /=°7«niently  acquire ;  the  young,  ought,  wi% 

^1  poss^le  cxpediuon  and  correctness,  to  learn  the  whole,  busincsiik 
at  a  soldier. 

^  Of  the  specific  means,  for  thus  generally  arming  the  people,  1 
u^yt  ^*'''**''°"  and  diffidence,  being  conscious  that  there  may 
be  difficulties  which  I  have  not  sufficiently  weighed ;  and  feeUng  my' 
great  mcompetency  to  judge,  either  in  a  miUtary  or  financial  view, 
what  particular  plan  is  the  fittest  to  adopt.   That  the  people  should  be 

armed,and  that  the  youthofthecountry  should  beassiduouslyprepared 
for  service,  plam  common  sense  may  suffice  to  discover,  but  in  what 
specific  mode,  with  what  gradations,  and  by  what  persuasory  or  com- 
pulsory means,  these  great  ends  may  be  best  obtained ;  are  questions 
on  which  even  the  ablest  field  officer,  and  best  informed  statesman,* 
may  deliberate  with  anxiety  and  doubt. 

X  ^*  *^®  ^™«  t»*ne  I  feel,  that  to  suggest  some  pracUcal  ideas,  is 
m  such  a  case,  the  fairest  way  of  bringing  abstract  principles  liuder 
review ;  and  I  will  therefore  in  a  very  brief,  and  general  way,  sketch 
the  outUne  of  a  plan  ;  not  as  the  best  possible  application  of  the  prin- 
ciples which  should  be  adopted  in  the  defence  of  the  country,  but  as 
an  example  of  their  actual  use. 

First.— The  fundamental  maxim  of  the  plan,  should  be  that  every 
man  who  is  of  an  age  to  bear  arms  with  effect,  and  disabled  by  no 
bodily  infirmity,  should  be  trained,  as  speedily  and  as  fully  as  general 
convenience  may  permit,  to  the  use  of  arms ;  and  to  all  such  duties 
of  the  soldier,  as  may  be  learned  without  actual  service.  Difference 
of  age,  should  vary  the  time,  the  degree,  and  the  manner  of  prepa- 
ration ;  but  the  exceptions  grounded  on  circumstances  exterior  to 
bodily  fitness  for  $tervic»,  ahn.iH  »^*»  »..-.u i_  ^_  ^i-i  ..^  „.  .  v  ., . 

terestsof  the  country,  thevery  first  of  which  is  reverence  for  religiwi, 
indispensably  require. 


4S.  Mtxii  of  n  hUr  pexipd  of  Ille,  might  fonn  theimelTai  intOi  of 
continue  in  vdluntc«r  corps  if  they  plwMed ;  tnit  irfioiUd  not  be  co&« 
fttrainedto  t«ke  up  arms,  nor  pennitted  to  mix  themaelvm  vitli 
yovmi^  Tol^tueenb  unleM  under  suoh  reguU^ons  u  would  preTcn^ 
liny  prejudice  to  the  corpa  at  large}  thnmgh  their  unfitoeaa  mv. 
factual  service, 

Sd.  The  men  liable  to  compulsory  training,  should  be  divided 
Into  three  classes,  as  follows:  The  fitst,  comptMed  wholly  of  men 
|>etween  seventeen  and  twenty-ftve;  the  second)  of  men  from  <Wf<iiM 
.  ty-fi>e  to  thirty-five;  the  third,  of  men  from  thirty-five  to  brty-fivo. 
ijrears  of  age.  If  the  classification  should  be  vari«i  in  any  degreei 
^n  ar-count  of  conjugal  or  parental  connections,  as  in  the  Defence 
Act  of  1803,  that  principle  should  be  admitted  only  in  the  two  latter 
classes.  The  proporti->n  of  married  men  under  twenty-five,  wh<n, 
irith  the  aid  of  their  wives,  rxiuki  m^  compatibly  with  tfne  pubtic 
iervices  required  from  them  maintmn  their  families,  would  nc^  fa», 
lai^e  i  and  a  distinction  therefore  ought  not  to  be  admitted  in  &vour 
pf  the  married  of  that  class,  v/hich  would  materially  impair  the  best 
fcrce  c£  the  coimtry.      ' 

4th.  Every  man  of  either  class,  who  chuses  to  equip  himsetff 
|nd  be  trained,  at  his  own  expense  as  a  volunteer,  should  have 
Bberty  so  to  do,  and  be  eicimpted  fromi;  %h»  comfmlsory  trainmg  t<|. 
'Vhich  he  would  otherwise  be  li^Ie,  up^i  enrolling  hiimelf  in  SQif||> 
Volunteer  corps  now  existing,  or  in  some  new  cwps  whoa?  offers  of 
Voluntary  service  shall  have  been  accepted  by  his  majesty.  Th© 
present  volunteers,  should  of  course  have  liberty  to  continue  as  now 
incorporated,  wUjject  cwly  to  the  new  iriterior  arrangement  already 
suggested.  But  it  woaM  be  a  point  fit  to  be  submitted  to  tlie  ^sr 
crstion  of  his  majesty  whether  they  diould  be  recruited  by  new 
members  of  the  first  class;  or  whether  in  new  corps  to  be  &rm> 
ed,  any  intermixture  of  that  with  the  eldw  dasses,  should  be  per- 
mitted. 

By  the  vohmteers  however,  whether  dd  or  n^w*  much  stricter 
regukitions  must  be  adopted  for  enforcing  frequent  meetings,  and 
regular  attendance,  than  now  in  general  exist;  nor  should  there  b«. 
j^y  relaxation  of  thofse  ^lies,  unt  1  up<m  the  most  exact  inspeo 
*tbn(,  all  the  member}  shall  be  reported,  by  a  field  officer,  to  be  per- 
fect in  their  military  exercises  and  discipline.    By  the  efTect  of  this 
.Tulc,  members  of  the  same  association  would  become  vigUant  in^ 
9|rc«.&u*a  u-t  sowit  v%uv>o  rcgi4i^n,i,y  «utu  piogtviiiii  aiia-it^  luaxif  wno 
by  his  negligence  postponed  the  perfection  of  the  corps,  and  the 
coit^equent  rcfexation  of  its  active  duties,  being  found  a  nuisance  to 


I  kMe  the  power  of  expukioB  fettlHkt  cnuei  «ula  volwi. 

«Mn^Nie««]q^lted  from  his  eorfM,  •booid  he  obHinl  «o  ttAimit  to 
MmBiifBorir  t*Blnlti»  fat  hi*  riMitui*  rt:a*«4»*   *:ii  il.:.^ r   ..    .. 

cipHneti,  h«  should  b«  abto  igpin  to  ebtiia  admisiim  imo  the  um^ 
ir  sonHs  other  corps.  ■    •■■^  ..',..•.--*;■•.  (^.t  -^^  »  -  i/ 

The  commanders  In  chief,  or  inspecting  field  officers  of  etch 
district,  siiould  prescribe  to  each  particular  corps  of  vokinteen,  the 
thiHj  within  which,  upon  pain  of  being  disbanded,  and  matle  subject 
i»  compulsory  training,  they  should  attain  the  requisite  degree  of 
discipline,  for  wtual  serviee^Herein,  however,  some  regaitl  might 
iM  hid  tD  the  ^fessions,  occupations,  or  situations  in  life  ol  the 
members;  shd  a  similarity  in  these  particulars  therefore,  ought  to> 
•iW  Woteld  determine,  the  choice  of  a  corps.  1  ho  same  officer  ought 
s&tio  to  approve  their  pi»»s,  la  to  tinmi  of  meeting,  fines  for  non-at- 
tteidarice,  fcc.  thfjugh  thete  might  be  \t%  in  the  first  instance,  to 
tfe*  jud^iMit  of  the  corps  itself  amd  might  be  subject  to  occasionai 
^Miatibtls,  undl^  »*e  inspeetisig  field  officer's  sancdon. 

Stfc.  Whten  th*-  witttttter  corps  Wei*  thus  cither  formed  entirdf 
<of  tttti  oi  the  same  claSs,  According  to  the  divisibrts  ah<eady  men- 
tioned, or  divided  into  first,  second^  and  third  ctimpanies,  or  other 
denomihationsi  by  the  same  rule;  distinctions  might  and  ought  tobte 
riiWe,  in  the  degi*6fe  of  application  «nd  dispatch  required  from  dif- 
ftewrt:  eoiTps  and  diviskms,  in  qusdi^inii  ^emselves  respectively  {<» 
aW^^    The  youngfest  class  should  be  allowed  a  shorter  time  for 
that  puT>o!<e  Aan  the  second ;  and  the  second  than  the  third.  Young 
ttien  may  be  expected  to  acquire  cxf^rtness  in  the  use  of  arm^ 
and  in  the  rarious  movements  of  a  battalion,  much  easier  than  min 
of  more  advanced  years;  for  which  reason,  as  well  as  because  they 
triU  be  the  most  efficacious  sokiiers  in  die  field,  they  ought  to  bo 
trained  with  much  greater  ^spatch  than  their  sentors. 
-    6th.  1  think  that  no  pay  should  be  allowed  to  any  member  ofa 
jmunteer  corps  out  of  the  national  purse,  unless  when  he  is  called 
into  actual  service,  or  permanent  duty;  though  this  rule  may  per- 
haps admit,  and  require  particular  exceptions.    Nor  should  the  al- 
IcfiTttice  fiw  the  corporate  expenses  of  these  corpi,  be  tery  consider- 
able.   The  allemtion  of  public  burtbtns  iti  this  respect,  miy  be  an 
importmt  object;  and  the  petty  contributions  of  the  me^nbers,  might 
be  conudered  as  a  tax  paid  by  men  who  haire  property  enough  to 
prepare  themselves  for  service  at  their  own  charge,  for  the  superior 
ea»  and  convenience  of  their  military  education. 

H^it  may  perhaps  b^  gfejccted  that  the  totanctiqa  bgaitwi 


I 


\ 


100 


tttch  volunteering,  and  compulsory  service,  is  mereljr  iioinwal;  and 
I  admit  it  is  so ;  except  in  the  choice  of  a  corps,  and  accoaimodation 
as  to  the  times  and  places X}f  exercise,  and  in  the  modes  of  coercion 
or  di8(  ipline.  In  all  other  respects,  the  duties  of  the  volunteer,  and 
of  bis  fellow  citizens  in  general,  supposir-^  compulsory  enndl- 
ments  to  be  necessary  for  our  defence,  would,  and  ought  to  be,  the 
^me. 

7th.  Provision  being  thus  made,  if  necessary,  for  the  improve* 
nient  and  increase  of  the  vdunteer  institutions ;  tha  whole  mass  of 
^people  of  proper  age  for  service,  except  such  of  them  as  prior 
to  a  very  early  peHod,  should  produce  certificates  of  their  enroUnaent 
ia  some  volunteer  corps,  ought  to  be  speedily,  but  progressively, 
tinned  and  disciplined,  so  as  to  fit  them  for  actual  service. 

What  proportion  of  thcra  should  be  put  in  requisition,  at  once, 
for  that  purpose,  I  presume  not  to  determme;  Iwt  the  men  of  the 
first  class,  should  in  a  gi'eat  degree,  if  not  exclusively,  be  ihe  first 
selected  The  mode  of  compulsion,  should,  in  the  first  instance,  be 
as  mild,  and  as  analogous  to  the  ordinary  sancti(Mis  of  municipal 
law,  as  poa^iUs.  The  belt  course,  perhaj^,  would  be  the  imposition  of 
a  small  fine,  for  non-attendance)  or  for  any  act  of  iQsubordination« 
witl^  a  progressive  increase  Ji  its  amount  on  every  repetition  of  the 
offence;  and  a  discretionary  power  in  tliis  respect,  should  be  uitrust* 
cd  to  those  >vho  may  be  appointed  to  adjudge  such  penalties;  in 
order  that  they  may  be  fairly  adapted  to  the  fortune,  or  situation  of 
the  offender.  The  last  resort  against  the  untractaWe,  atter  repeated 
convictions,  should  be  the  sending  them  to  some  coips  of  regular 
trc»ps,  to  be  appointed  for  receiving  such  persons;  in  which  they 
should  be  subject  to  all  the  strictness  of  martial  law,  until  thoroughly 
qualified  for  service. 

It  would  be  a  convenient  and  £dr  expedient,  to  oblige  those  gen- 
tlemen in  every  district  who  are  past  the  period  of  military  duty, 
and  yet  not  disabled  by  age  or  infirmities,  to  act  in  rotation,  as  de- 
puty lieutenant?  or  commissioners,  for  the  purpose  of  adjudging 
fines,  allowing  excuses,  and  executing  such  other  judicial  functioas, 
as  the  new  system  might  require.  It  would  thus  become  the  duty 
and  interest  of  every  man  in  the  community,  who  is  capable  cither 
of  military  or  dvil  service,  to  forward  the  grand  common  object,  as 
speedily  as  po,ssible;  for  when  once  the  peoirfe  were  thoroughly 
trained,  and  not  till  then,  all  these  troublesome  functions  would,  for 

-—  .;-■:;-_ 7. 

Tbe  process  of  training  should  be  prtigressive,  in  respect  of  me- 
thod|  as  well  as  of  numbers:  at  least,  such  should  be  the  case  with 


tilte' vounerer  r.lasauH.  •    Th*>  h»iainj>aa  nf  tu^  a^u :_l4.  u.  • 

«nUf  and  expeditiously  learnt  by  every  mwi,  in  his  proper  parish, 
by  the  allotment  of  an  adequate  portion  of  time  for  the  purpose  in 
each  day  or  week,  without  calling  him  far  from  his  home,so  m  to  inter- 
fere with  his  domestic  comforts;  but  after  the  manual  and  platooo 
exercise  are  learnt,  U-r  voung  defenders  of  their  country,, may  best 
be  taught  the  more  complicated  business  of  the  regular  soldier,  and 
initiated  in  his  proper  habits,  by  being  embodied  in  battalions  or  bri- 
ifsdes,  and  employed  fw  a  certain  time  exclusively,  in  military  du- 
ties. Beyond  all  doubt,  the  first  class  ought  to  take  the  precedence, 
in  thus  finishing  their  militaiy  education. 

If  I  may  rely  on  the  judgment  of  those  who  are  best  qualified  to 
calculate  the  time  necessary  for  this  important  purpose,  it  would  not 
be  necessary  to  separate  our  young  men  above  three  montlis  in  the 
whole  from  their  ordinary  residence,  and  civil  emplt^ments,  In  or* 
der  to  make  them  perfect  soldiers;  by  which  I  mean,  as  perfect  as 
men  who  have  not  in  the  ordinary  meaning  of  the  phrase, «  seen  ser- 
vice," can  possibly  become. 

'  Such  is  the  brief  outline  of  my  ideas,  crude  and  imperfect  ones 
I  adnut,  on  this  momentous  subject. 

I  do  not  overlook  the  finandal  and  poUtioal  objections,  that  may 
be  opposed  to  this,  or  any  other  plan  for  a  general  armament;  but  to 
state  and  answer  them  folly,  would  be  greatly  to  exceed  those  bounds 
which  must  be  prescribed  to  the  present  work.  The  great  and 
compendious  answer  to  them  all  is,  that  they  must  be  surmounted, 
were  they  tenfold  as  strong  as  they  are. 

I  conceive,  however,  that  this  great  and  necessary  effort  for  tlie 
safety  of  the  country,  would  probably  in  the  end,  be  fess  expensive 
than  the  vexatious  and  costly  means  that  must  be  employed  greatly 
to  increase  our  regular  forces:  ami  if  there  were  now  any  possible 
cause  of  diffidence  in  the  loyalty  of  the  people  at  large,  which  I  en- 
tirely deny,  the  best  way  to  remove  it,  is  to  arm  them  in  the  nation- 
al cause.  Habits  of  military  subordination,  are  the  best  correcUves 
of  a  licentious  popular  spirit.  If  any  man  doubt  it,  let  him  contem- 
plate the  conduct  of  the  army  and  conscripts  of  France;  and  this 
not  only  under  Buonaparte,  but  through  every  change  in  the  go- 
vernment that  has  succeeded  the  first  revolution.  Men  are  taught 
mechanically  by  military  exercises,  the  strength  of  concentrated 
power,  and  the  utility  of  obedience;  and  they  become  also  attached 
by  new  feelings,  to  that  government  in  whose  support  they  are  ac- 
tively engaged. 

I  repeatj  however,  as  the  short  answer  to  all  objections  which 


\ 


m^f  to  the  pimij^t  ohk  fgmtnl  anaament;  it  is  indispensab^ 
jmrnmay.  Times  are  arrived)  ia  vhteh  we  cm  iwd  no  c^er  sIhv 
expedient,  to  iMroid  a  foreign  yoke.  We  must  become  a  mition  of 
aoidiers)  or  a  nattoD  of  slaves. 


m 


*Hi- 


Sect.  4.     R^m^Hmt  it  On  iaaenHal  bdsik  of  our  national 

tqfeiy. 


It  remuns  to  say  something  of  ihat  oih&e  mem  of  avertfa^  oius 
p<Mc  (teitger%  which  I  propcMM  to  consider,  namely,  reformatit». 
As  io  patience  and  rnammity^  their  importance  will  be  readily  pei*. 
emvad }  but  the  necessity  of  such  Te/brmationj  as  I  i^ean  to  suggest, 
may  iMsrhaiw  not  be  equally  divious. 

m-'Wen  I  to  recommend  the  oorraction  of  abuses  of  a  fimmcial  or 
constitutional  kind,  some  readers  would  readily  concur.«MThes% 
they  would  say,  are  indispensably  necessary  j  and  without  these,  pt-* 
tience  and  unmimity  cannot  be  expected.  But  these  are  spedes  of 
reformation,  which  it  is  not  my  design  here  to  con^der ;  both  be- 
cease  th«re  is  no  dearth  6f  advocates  to  recommend  them  ;  md  be- 
cause a  wish  to  reform  such  abuses,  where  tiwy  admk  of  safe  cer<« 
reetiofH  is  not  wanting  in  his  majesty's  orancils. 
^.Frugality  in  the  public  expenditure,  is  beyond  all  doubt  a  duty  of 
h%h  moment ;  and  the  neglect  of  it  voider  the  pi^s^m  circumstanceii 
of  the  country,  would  be  truly  opprobrious.  Whether  any  such  con- 
sdtuUonal  rcforn»tions,  as  moderate  6hd  wise  tnen  have  desired, 
ought  now  to  be  attempted,  is  a  questicin  which  I  will  not  discuss. 
It  is  6f  too  extensive  and  delicate  a  nattire,  to  foMfl  an  incidental  to- 
pic m  a  work  like  this.  1  wiH  only  remark,  that  as  th^re  nev«!^  was 
a  period  in  which  tl«  popularity  of  our  glorious  c(»!8#tution,  ahd  of 
our  government,  was  more  important  j  so  neter  Wbs  It  more  dan* 
geroilsto  propose  in  parliament,  any  measure  grestly  desired  by  a 
laiige  portion  ef  the  pwcple,  against  the  known  sens*  of  a  majority  of 
the  legislature.  .  iv 

Leavi  g  such  quentions  to  others,  I  wouW  insist  only  on  the  Via* 
mediate  duty  and  necessity  of  one  reformation,  #hich  we  have  too 
long  owed,  both  to  God  and  man  j  which  a  great  part  <rf  theeonki^ 
munity  immt  anxiotisiy  desires;  to  which  both  houses  (A  parliament 
are  now  solemnly  pledged  ;  and  which  I  iirmly  beliete  to  be  mcft^ 
essential  to  the  salvation  of  the  country,  than  her  tokmtcers,  h^ 
ariiijr',  w  iior  imvyi  I  inean  the  awMiuoD  of  the  slave  trade. 

Here,  perhaps,  some  readers  who  have  hitherto  assented  to  most 
of  my  remarks,  and  have  found  little  to  censure  m  these  pages, 


^tur. 


dan^ 


109 

CXCMA  the   t^tAiitt   anil    inftA»wiio»j»   ■*■««•..    :_    i«  i 

,  ,     -^.  „    __^ , -~,.„^,,,^»»,    mumOuxir     41%.  WOlCn    10011101)1001 

truths  Mve  b«c»  treated,  wUl  be  diapoaed  to  hy  the  pamphlet  down 
withaamUej  and  exclaim*  what  coeujection  ha»  thia  atalc  aubicet 
with  the  fate  of  England  ?  ^  s^^ 

1  conjurp  them,  however,  if  thcjr  hav?  bonie  with  me  thiw  fci;, 
to  Uaten  a  Uuie  longer.  I  implore  them  to  recollect,  that  many  of 
the  most  important  relaUons  between  human  events  and  human  con- 
duct,  have  been  hidden  from  the  wise  and  prudent,  till  subsequent  U» 
catastrophes  which  their  timely  discovery  might  have  averted  j  «  If 
thou  hadat  known,  even  thou,  at  least  in  this  thy  day,  the  things  that 
belong  unto  thy  peace!  But  now  they  are  hy  from  thine  eyes." 

That  the  slave  trade  is  in  its  consequences,  politically  injuiloua 
to  the  country,  is  a  proposition  which  has  been  proved  so  often,  and 
ao  clew^ly,  in  parliamentary  debates,  and  in  arguments  addressed  to 
the  imbUc,  that  I  need  scarcely  regret  the  want  of  time  to  ofier  here 
new  demonstrations  of  iu  truth.  It  can  be  doubted  cmly  by  those 
who  wiU  not  tisten  or  read  on  the  aubjea;  or  whose  prejudices  are 
q[iute  invincible.  . 

The  n^tiona  sakchieft,  however,  produced  lathis  commerce 
and  t^  cdkoi^l^atem  which  it  generates,  are  more  and  greater 
than  even  abolitionists  have  yet  stated.  They  are  evils  sustained  at 
the  great  expense  of  that  commercial  welfare  which  they  are  false- 
ly aUeged  to  promote ;  and  by  a  still  more  ruinous  waste  of  owrua- 
tbnal  wealth.  They  have  cost  us  tenfold  as  many  miUions  as  they 
have  truly  returned. 

The  bankruptcies  among  oar  merchants,  and  the  losses  among 
our  manufacturers,  produced  by  the  slave  trade,  and  by  West  India 
speculations  in  new  lands,  those  kindred  bubbles  with  which  it  is 
always  associated,  notorioujdy  and  greatly  exceed,  in  number  and 
extent,  the  gains  and  the  fortunes  produced  by  them. 
•»  I  quarrel  with  no  theorists  here;  unless  they  would  push  their 
liaxims  to  preposterous  extremes.  Be  it  admitted,  that  the  wrecks 
of  individual  enterprise  are  often  public  emolument:  stUl  there  must 
be  limits  to  the  practical  application  of  such  theories.  A  nation  can- 
not  profit  by  the  adventures  of  its  citiasens,  when  private  ruin  is  the 
ordinary  event  j  wd  success  the  rare  exception. 

^  Hawrdous,  and  in  a  general  view,  unsuccessful,  as  these  specu- 
latioiis  have  always  been,  they  are  now  become  infinitely  more  so 
Before  the  markets  of  Europe  were  shut  to  oop  W^it  Indk  n~- 
duce,  the  prices  of  sugar  were  so  far  from  yielding  a  profit  on  the 
planter's  capital,  that  they  hardly  paid  his  annual  expenses,  and  the 
charges  of  sending  hb  commodity  to  Europe.    War  has  I  admit, 


XJUL    naif   «ucta .    is 


re  i  evi!.  Nor  'cotil3^pieace  biing  any  mitigatSon  that  ddc 
siMy  turn  the  balaticfe  fti  favoor  of  the  planters  at  large.  In  fact,' 
sugar  planting  has  lo  g  been,  6n  an  average,  a  losing  business; 
and  i»  now  b^-ome  from  the  nattrbl  progreks  of  causes  inherent  to 
the  existing  system,  Ihdependcntly  of  the  evils  erf"  war,  but  abovtJ  alt' 
Inom  the  continuance  of  die  islaveftrtide,  a  speculation  whiehf  to  tll^ 
great  majority  of  adventurers,  is  and  must  be  ruinous.* 

'  Thirtnien  are  fouiid  still  to  engage  in  it,  is  notirgitniieht  what- 
e^iHohth**  contrary;  any  more  than  the  great  sale  of  lottery  tickets' 
is  a  proiof  that  tbe  chanees  are  on  the  whole  beneBcial  to  the  pitf^ 
cliaMTs.  ■  '''  '  '■ 

The  West  India  lottery,  froitt  the  unhappy  and  extreme  Inl^'' 
qualhies  of  sugar  crop*,  has  still  a  few  tempting  prizes :  and  so  it' 
would,  pterhaps,  if  tipon  thie  general  caiMtal  embarked,  fliere  were  a 
lo^  of  90  per  c^nt.    The  ^ccessftil  adventures,  like  the  20,oCi01.' 
prizes  at  Guildhall,  are  blazoned  in  dverywdk  of  English  com- 
merce I  while  the  blankp  are  unnoticed  and  forgot.    New  dupes 
tK^t^efote  are  corttinually  found ;  and  while  millions  site  pibriodicaUy 
sunk  by  our  planters,  and  slave  traders,  by  our  4tterchants  and  m^*^' 
nied  ihenwho  trt   "^  them,  and  by  bur  manufacturers  who  trust  the 
merchants;  the  nation,  like  a  simple  Ibtterydub,  is  family  perSuj^" 
cd,  that  it  is  beneficial  to  fdUo^  the  game. 

Meantime,  the  accuwed  system  begotten  and  upheld  in  all  its 
abuses  by  the  slave  trade,  produces  a  state  of  interior  weakness  and 
danger  in  these  colonies,  which  has  msMe  them,  both  in  peace  and 


•  That  the  si^jar  plstttters,  in  the  old  islands,  have,  JTai^  many  j^ears,  feen  pto- 
gressivdy  sinking  deeper  and  deeper  in  ruin,  is  a  fsKt  quite  undiluted  zm&ng 
those  who  know  any  thing  of  the  case.  In  a  late  publication,  by  a  ^ntlemaA 
of  big|i  commercial  character,  and  intimately  connected  with  the  sugar  colonies, 
it  iiheld.that  estates  in  St.  Katt's,  an  island  famous  for  the  quantity  and  quali^. 
of  its  produce,  do  not  produce  on  an  average,  for  a  series  of  years,  4  per  cent,  oa 
the  capital  invested.  Yet  the  legal  interest  of  that  island  is  8  per  cent. ;  and  ma.* 
ny  i^nfeii  are  glad  to  obtaiti'mbney  at  that  rate.  The  irtcuhibrances  on  estates' 
in  the  West  Indies,  notoriously  bear  a  large  proportion  to  the  whole  vah«5  of  the 
capital :  it  requires  little  calculation  therefore  to  shew,  that  enormous  losses  must 
he  incurred}  and  on  whom  do  they  chiffiy  fail,  but  fiingUsh  creditors  ?-~See  let- 
ter to  William  Manning,  Esq,  M.  P.  by  C.  Bpsaivi«et,  Esq. p.  17. 

If  further  proof  be  wanted,  that  sugar  planting  js  become  a  ruinous  employ^ 
t»i*»»t  for  our  cornniercia!  cablta!. !  refer  ta  *?!~  WUH-im  V^tsr-s-';:  i-t--  %=-.=L- .  =~_4" 
to  the  fast  manifesto  of  the  Jamaica  Assetnbly,  printed  by  order  of  the  house  of' 
ComittoTis,'  Pcbniafy2Sth;i805.    Bankruptcy  h  there  described  m  the  ahnost 
univwsal  lot  of  the  planters  of  that  island. 


state ;  and  fetal  drains  on  our  ropiilar  army.  The  West  Indka 
have  probably  cost  us  raore  money  since  1792,  than  aU  our  miUtaif 
operatioDs  on  the  continent,  and  subsidies  to  our  alUea,  united;  and 
the  waste  of  our  regular  infantry  which  they  have  occasioned  wUhitt 
the  same  period,  has  beyond  doubt,  greatly  exceeded  the  whole  cX' 
lecuve  losses  of  ow  army,  by  sickness  or  thf>  sword,  in  every  other 
service.* 

Were  there  no  other  objections  to  the  slave  trade,  than  that  it  ia 
•ontmually  adding  to  the  extent  of  mercanule  capital„thus  wastefully 
apphed,  and  colonies  thus  dreadfully  maintained,  it  would  be  a  suffi- 
cicnt  reason  for  its  abolition.     But  this  horrible  commerce,  at  th» 
same  Ume,  forms  an  insuperable  obstacle  to  benign  improvement* 
in  our  sugar  colonies ;  and  tends  to  perpetuate  every  mischief,  mo- 
ral and  political,  that  belongs  to  their  interior  system.    While  a 
slave  market  exists,  neither  wholesome  laws,  nor  individual  benevQ* 
lence,  will  ever  be  able  to  meliorate  the  general  lot  of  those  wretched 
beings,  who  toil  under  the  whips  of  the  drivers.    It  would  be  as  ra- 
tional to  attempt  to  bring  a  sea  marsh  into  tillage,  without  first  em- 
banking against  the  tide. 

^1  That  the  propositions  last  advanced,  are  not  wholly  consistent 
with  the  delusive  representations  of  self  interested  men,  and  w|t^ 
the  prejudices  of  the  Ul-informed,  I  too  weU  know;  and  yetl  cfei^I 
not  consistently  with  the  plan  of  the  present  work,  proceed  to  de- 
monstrate  their  truth.     Should  the  grand  abolition  controversy  not 
soon  be  shortened,  by  the  force  of  those  admitted  principles  on  which 
It  ought  to  be  decided,  the  public  shall  ere  long  be  possessed  of  some 
precise  and  systematic  informaUon  respecting  cotonial  slavery;  and 
I  trust  then  to  satisfy  every  man  who  will  take  the  pains  to  reason 
upon  well  cstabUshed  premises,  that  all  these  propositions  and  re- 
marks, as  to  the  ill  effects  of  this  commerce  in  the  colonies  are  irre- 
fragably  true.    Mean  time,  I  will  rather  leave  them  unargued  to 
the  reflecUons  of  the  discerning  reader,  than  forbear  to  notice  such 
powerful  consideraUons,  among  the  reasons  for  abolishing  the  slave 
trade. 


■^  f^ 


•  Sir  Wiiliap  Young  lias  g'lven  in  his  late  wotk,  authentic  returns,  whereby 
it  appears,  that  out  of  19,676  men,  mustered  in  the  windward  and  leeward  islands 
from  1796,  to  1802,  we  lost  by  death,  no  less  than  17.173.    But  this  account,  I 

apprehend,  contains  nn  Dart  of  the  arnivstRtdnv^bj?  •-  «?.  ■!■> -i __^  j. __j 

nor  does  it  embrace  the  lossesduring  the  years  1793,-4,  and  5,  dating  which  thij 
yellow  fever  wa«  peciHarly  (kskuctive.    See  West  India  Common  P(ae,  £e«i 
page  218.  ' 


M 


iHfkmning  any  tfcang  that  csai  t»  the  stibjec^  of  cwitixjrersy  of  dovAK) 
fte  may  arrive  at  the  same  practical  coiicluskm. 

Thfc  esteem  of  foreign  nations,  is  obvkmsly  of  consequence  to  ot 
M  alt  times,  and  especially  at  th»  singular  conjuncture <— 'We  feel  it 
tb  be  so;  for  we  have  endeaTOured  to  condttate  their  good  o]Hnkm 
tttvd  Mendship,  by  irery  co^y  sacrifices.  Buonaparte  too,  is  of  the 
same  minu ;  for  he  is  t»;arcely  more  intent  upon  nsining  our  com* 
i<ierce)  than  destroying  our  reptttadbnr  on  the  continent :  and  beyond 
deubt  it  "Wottld  tend  much  to  preclude  mir  effeetual  inlerpoaitlon,  at 
liottte  future  and  auspicious  season,  between  his  amotion,  and  the 
remmAit  of  Europe  that  has  yet  escaped  his  sword,  if  he  could  sue* 
et&A  in  persuading  the  world,  that  we  are  a  sordid,  selfish,  and  ufi* 
principled  people,  whbse  gold  is  their  god,  and  who  would  spread 
dtK^latiom  thmugh  the  earth,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  extending  their 
commerce.  It  might  also  further  his  present  plan,  of  engaging  the 
powers  still  neutral,  in  a  confederacy  against  our  maritime  rights. 

Now  who  can  contemplate  the  slave  trade,  without  feeling,  that 
ih  that  point,  we  are  justly  diargeable  with  the  very  crimes  which 
the  enemy  imputes  to  us  ?— It  is  false,  that  we  promote  wshtS)  for  the 
^ke  of  our  trade  in  Europe ;  but  that  we  thtw  sin  i»  Africa,  is  un- 
questbnabiy  irue.  It  b  a  foul  Kbel,  that  the  European  continent 
owes  its  present  miseries  to  British  avarice ;  but  that  the  great  AM- 
can  continent  owes  chiefly  to  that  catise,  miseries  far  greater  and 
more  durable  than  those  of  Europe,  cannot  fairly  h6  denied. 
'  Btionapatte  indeed,  has  not  accused  us  of  the  slave  trade-  The 
prejudices  of  which  he  is  the  dupe,  and  the  crimes  which  he  has 
committed,  ha\^  shut  his  mouth  on  that  subject,.  Bat  a  great  ma- 
jority ofiiis  subjects,  and  of  the  people  q€  all  other  nations,  canimt 
But  supply  in  their  reflections,  what  bis  invectives  have  in  this  res- 
pect omitted;  and  when  they  think  of  the  slave  trade,  must  be  pre- 
f»ared  to  believe  us  capable  of  all  that  he  libellously  imputes..  Even 
slccomplices  in  guilt,  know  how  to  estimate  the  ine&ations  which  it 
fbmishes,  of  the  general  principles  of  their  associates.  Let  k  be  re- 
membered too,  that  this  is  a  crime,  not  Hi  the  contemplation  of 
others  merely,  but  in  our  own :  a  national  iniquity,  long  since  record- 
ed as  such,  by  the  solemn  confession  of  our  i-epresentatives  in  parlia- 
ment,  as  well  as  by  the  voices  of  thousands  and  teas  of  thousands  of 
the  people.  Our  public  discussions  on  thb  subject,  and  the  resohi^ 
ticHis  of  nlm  cem^ons»  «i  17&3,  excited  great  attcntwiJrfe  «rther  tia- 
tlons)  and  no  wlwpe  more  than  in  France.  What  then  must  be 
thought  of  our  having  for  fifteen  years  subsequent  t&that  period,  f»t 


^.f  c^nshcd  tim  irthanoui  cxMnnif  rce  wtikh  v«  liad  praleaiedi  « 
*««>lution  to  abandon,  l>ut  greatly  enlargtd  Ut  •KttiAi 

What  it  actually  thought  is  France,  w«  weU  kiM>w.^Th«  ap^ 
legists  of  the  slave  trade,  aa  well  aa  it«  enenuea,  iiccas«  u»  ««  t  vil^ 
hypocrisy ;  supposing  ttmt  we  me  ait  to  lead  othfij  nationi  into  a  di|j 
Pdiction  of  their  ahare  of  the  trade,  in  «rder  that  we  might  monopE' 
hxt  Its  proets.    I  am  weU  informed,  that  Buonaparte  m«itioned  his 
leMcf  of  our  diasin.ulaiion  on  the  subject  to  Mr.  FoJt,  when  in  hi« 
company  at  Paris;  and  was  assured  by  that  great  man,  but  probaWy 
iwthout  effects  tl^t  the  opinio©  was  uirfbunded^^No  man  could  haif 
repelled  the  charge  with  a  better  grace  than  that  generous  stafeM* 
man;  one  of  the  ruUng  feeling*  of  whose  heart  was  abhorrence  of 
this  detestable  traffic.  He  pubtickly  professed. that  he  should  regan| 
Its  abolition  as  wi  attsanment  valuable  enough  to  overpay  all  the  la* 
hours  uf  his  life}  and  regretted  in  death  nothing  more  deeply,  \haM 
his  leaving  that  work  unfinished. 

But  though  Mr.  Fox  doubtless  said  ^  the  First  Consul,  evew 
thing  which  the  wish  to  deUver  Ms  oountry  from  ao  opprobrious  aQ 
iraputaaon,  couU  suggest,  he  must  have  felt  that  it  was  not  easy  t« 
explain  or  defend  our  conduct.  Buonaparte  p  >l>aWy  remained  uij* 
convinced;  and  wnpnged  the  sincerity  of  his  illustrious  guest,  bp 
supposing  that  he  had  less  love  for  truth,  than  for^he  credit  of  hia 
country. 

That  We  have  incurred  upon  this  account,  miach  odium  and  com 
tempt  with  the  French  people  in  general,  cawmt  be  doubted.   Even 
after  the  usurpation  of  Buonaparte,  a  large  part  of  them  were  so 
averse  to  the  infamy  of  repealing  their  own  decrees  against  th?  slav^ 
tiiide,  that  a  very  bold  stand  was  made  against  the  measure  in  their 
senate;  and  the  consul,  notwithstanding  th«  terw>r  of  his  n«wly  ac^ 
quii-ed  power,  found  himself  opposed  by  a  minority  of  37  to  54.  Let; 
us  here  be  just  to  our  unfortunate  enemies  (unfortunate  they  trulf 
Rre,  though-guilty  too).  Their  Uberty  was  irretnevably  lost,  through 
the  crimes  which  it  bad  engendered;  but  they  would  have  8ave4 
from  the  wreck  the  moat  generous  of  their  reformations,  if  the  sor- 
did and  mistaken  policy  of  their  new  master  had  not  c^pgsed  it.      . 
They  must  have  felt,  however,  with  indignation,  that  Englaads 
more  than  Buonaparte,  was  in  fault.    His  advocates  stiimTwelf 
pleaded  our  example  as  his  apofogy ;  and  the  defence,  it  mxH  be  adn 
mitted,  was  far  more  spc  ious.  than  thatwluch  Aom^  «f  ♦i--  r..:^«-i.. 


«f  this  kirriWecommwee,  offer  upon  the  same  principle  in  Eng3 
land.  If  the  mistress  of  the  .ocean  can  plead,  that  she  has  no  pw©i» 
tp  ^Mish  the  skf®  tt-ftOe,  white  eth^rjjsMiioRs  m^me  1»jcmykmi 


m 


«w«ii  ^wmwmV  -ma 


«uiuosi    aiav/i 


«k     •bkIvm    #«*««Mn*  laA 


VT  ««%#     %^mgt»»m%r%   »iu 


time  of  war,  protect  her  colonies  from  conquest,  much  lets  their 
commercial  laws  from  suspension,  against  her  maritime  and  slave- 
trading  eneiiiy.  Good  men  indeed,  am)  even  bad  men,  who  reaadi| 
iclearly,  would  see  the  absurdity  of  the  defence  in  a  moral  view;  for 
France  could  at  ieiuit' deliver  herself  from  the-  guilt  and  the  shame, 
if  not  Africa  fiwn  the  scourge,  of  the  commerce.  But  considering 
how  small  a  share  she  possessed  of  it,  and  how  large  a  portion  oSit 
h  in  our  hands,  she  could  not  hope  in  any  great  degree  to  benefit  the 
unhappy  natives  of  that  country,  by  a  sacrifice  in  which  we  would 
Dot  concur. 

*^  it  seems  impossible  to  doubt,  that  our  opprobious  adherence  to 
this  traffic,  has  added  much  to  the  popular  prejudice  against  us  in  the 
minds  of  Frenchmen  in  general.  DuHng  the  last  war,  it  natura^y 
confirmed  the  apprehension,  that  we  were,  from  selfish  motives,  efi«- 
mies  to  their  freedom  and  independency;  for  it  indicated  a  national 
character  coiidstent  with  such  sordid  feellhgs;  and  now  when  events 
have  precluded  that  suspicion  in  regard  to  the  present  war,  the  sartie 
trime  gives  colour  to  the  calumnies  of  Buonaparte,  and  prepares  the 
I>eoplej  especially  the  friends  of  the  negroes  among  them,  to  believe 
that  we  basely  wage  war  against  them  for  the  saice  of  commercial 
spoils.  Sure  I  am  at  least,  that  our  immediate  renunciation  <^  tho 
slave  trade,  would  tend  to  open  the  mbds  of  Frenchmen,  to  our 
true  character;  to  make  the  war  with  us  unpopular  among  them, 
aoid  lay  a  basis  for  solid  reconciliation,  when  the  spirit  of  their  go- 
vernment, and  the  state  of  Europe,  shall  allow  of  our  sheathing  the 
ftword. 

If  we  turn  to  America,  the  importance  of  our  national  character, 
in  this  particular,  will  be  more  than  equally  apparent.  There,  We 
certainly  labour  under  great  and  unmerited  reproach.  The  most 
moderate  and  abstemious  use  even  of  our  maritime  rights,  is  indig- 
nantly  resisted;  and  partly  from  misapprehensions  which  we  vainly 
attempt  to  remove ;  because  they  spring  from  a  rooted  conviction, 
that  our  policy  is  uniformly  directed  by  narrow  minded  and  selfish 
principles:  it  is  said  that  we  scruple  not  to  trample  on  the  rights  of 
the  weak  and  defenceless,  whenever  it  may  promote  the  interests  of 
our  navigation  and  trade.  It  is  equally  singular  and  mortifying,  that 
even  Mr.  Randolph,  and  our  other  apologists  in  that  country,  admit  to 
their  oppmients,  that  we  really  act  on  such  principles  ;  ccmtenting 
themselves  with  the  argument  that  other  natiofts  do  the  same.  Yet 
3fto  reasonable  grotmd  or  colour  for  ttich  imputcOions,  is  to  be  found 
ki  our  late  treatment  of  the  United  States ;  esccept  perhaps  in  our  to« 


m$ 


Uviih  eoncmioni.  It  n  irm  that  «eif-intere»ted  indit ichiilt  Jit^ 
ibr  their  privite  ends,  fomented  this  witi-Briti»h  spirit  in  America, 
by  false  and  injurioui  charges ;  but  our  general  iroprestions  of  the 
poral  character  of  any  individual,  have  a  powerful  effect  in  our  con- 
•truction  of  his  conduct  towards  us;  and  it  is  in  some  measure  tlw 
jame  between  nations. 

-  There  is,  perhaps,  no  part  of  the  world  in  which  we  hare  incur- 
red so  much  disestcem  by  our  conduct,  in  regard  to  the  slave  trade, 
as  in  the  northern  statel  of  the  American  Unten ;  in  which  the  late  re- 
ientment  against  us  seems  to  have  been  the  most  prevalent;  nor  is 
there  any  country,  in  which  the  abandonment  of  this  commerce, 
would  have  a  more  powerful  influence  in  our  favour.  May  it  soon 
be  In  the  power  of  our  friends  in  America,  when  they  hear  us  taxed 
ndth  rapacious  principles,  and  a  contempt  for  the  rights  of  mankind, 
to  adduce  our  dereliction  of  the  slave  trade,  as  a  clear  refutaUon  of 
the  charge. 

Should  we  now  continue  to  refuse  this  long.promised  reforms- 
tion,  the  reproach  must  uke  a  deeper  tinge  than  ever  in  the  eyes  of 
all  civilized  nations.  The  lords  spiritual  and  temporal  in  parliament 
assembled,  have  at  length  concurred  with  the  commons,  in  recog- 
nizing the  moral  turpitude  of  the  trade,  and  in  giving  a  pledge  for  its 
mi^tdy  excision,  which  it  would  be  infamous  not  to  redeem. 

If  it  be  important  that  our  national  character  should  be  vindicated 
in  the  eyes  of  foreigners,  not  less  so,  that  it  should  stand  fair  in  our 
own.  '    ;  . 

Who  can  doubt  that  a  high  sense  of  national  honour  and  virtue, 
a  reverence,  as  well  as  love  for  our  country,  and  above  all  a  firm  re- 
liance on  the  protecUng  power  of  God,  are  popular  sentiments  of 
great  vahie  at  an  arduous  crisis  like  the  present.  We  are  called  upon 
to  make  great  sacrifices;  perhaps  to  give  the  last  proof  of  fervent  at- 
tachment to  our  country;  it  is  fit  therefore  that  she  should  appear 
fair  and  amiable  m  our  eyes,  and  that  whatever  soils  the  lustre  of  her 
character  «,uould  be  instantly  wiped  away. 

There  is  indeed  an  attachment  to  the  land  that  gave  us  birth, 
which  depends  on  no  elevated  senUments.  For  my  part,  I  am  not 
ashamed  to  avow  a  love  for  the  very  soil  itself:  a  weakness  which 
has  made  me  shed  tears  at  bidding  it  a  long  adieu,  which  has  made 
me  review  it  with  transport  at  my  return,  independently  of  the 
thought  of  every  rational  obiect  of  «ttadimfint  r^.T«~-t-^a  i^ih.^ 
endearing  name  of  country.'  I  blush  not  to  confess,  that,"  in  i 
distant  climate,  the  expectation  of  death  has  been  embittered  by  the 
thought  ihat  my  dust  would  not  isingle  with  my  native  soil*    But 


m 

llMPlrMte  thtt  fkfevf it  the  iuim«,  i$  cumpoMd  of  .nobler  •!■« 
imfO'tM.  It  b  «  filial  sense  9S  bonoup  and  duty  ;  animsted  bf  reT«« 
rence  /or  «il  that  is  noble  and  great,  by  affection  for  all  that  is  excel* 
Ifot  aod  amiablet  in  the  Mociety  to  which  we  belong.  It  looks  baek 
m  t^ie  glory  of  our  ancf  stors,  it  loolu^iip^to  the  dignity  of  the  thro9^ 
it  looks  round  on  the  wise  and  beneficem  in8Uuikion%  the  mild  «id 
l^uitable  laws,  the  freedom,  the  happiness,  tho  virtue,  by  which  the 
social  edifice  ia  adomed ;  till  glowing  with  a  ptnerous  enthusiasm  it 
exclaims,  "  this  is  my  beloved  country!  1  iktetved  it  from  my  fa- 
thers ;  I  will  defend  it  with  my  blood ;  I  will  tranamit  it  unimpaired 
to  my  children  1" 

^^Jf  such  patriotic  feelings  are  at  this  awful  moment  peculiarly 
ieaaonable  and  important,  let  them  not  be  chilled  with  the  sad  refle%; 
tion,  that  this  same  beloved  country  is  polluted  by  the  moat  soc^ 
and  barbarous  crimes ;  that  though  dear  to  ourselves,  she  is  a  curse 
to  a  large  portion  of  the  globe;  that  her  wealth  generates,  and  her 
{^wej*  maintains,  a  greater  masa  of  human  wretchedness  and  guilt, 
tt^ii^even  the  pe^ilent  ambition  of  France :  perhaps  than  all  thet 
Qtll^f, political  crimes  df  the  age.  «  I  have  often  thought,"  a  pious 
fqendwho  is  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  slave  trade,  once  said 
to^me,  « that  were  an  angel  to  look  down  from  heaven,  in  order  Uk 
determine  which  of  the  nations  of  the  globe  is  the  greatest  scourge 
to  the  human  species,  his  eye  wouW  be  arrested  by  Africa  and  the 
W^st  Indies,  and  by  those  receptacles  of  unspeakable  naisery,  th« 
ships  thftt  are  passing  between  them;  and  bis  awful  report  would  be, 
Qreat  Britain  is  th^  merciless  nation." 

^  |t  is  by  those  only  who  have  not  read  and  reasoned  upon  the 
sul^ect,  or  who  suffer  themselves  to  be  deceived  by  rank  and  uh 
consistent  imposture,  that  such  an  estimate  as  this  can  be  thought, 
excessive.  But  V7ere  the  dreadful  effects  of  the  crime  at  all  dis- 
putable, not  so  at  least  its  sordid  and  in&mtms  nature.  What  ra- 
tional being,  who  ever  heard  of  the  slave  trade,  can  attempt  to 
rescue  it  from  our  contempt  and  abhorrence  ? 

,1  demajad  here,  however,  np  wider  concession,  than  that  this  com- 
merce is  in  £ict  a  subject  of  extreme  detestation  with  a  large  portioj* 
of  the  Bridsli  peo{rf[e  ;  and  consequently  a  great  drawback  Mpon  that 
reyex-jcn^,and  that  ardent  love,  for  the  iastitutiDuji  and  the  moiiil 
character  of  his  country,  by  which  the  miod  oi  a  patriot  should  ter 
animated  in  times  of  danger  and  distress. 

most  zealous  for  the  abolitbn  of  the  slave  trade,  are  men  of  reUgiom^ 
f^eUhgsi  and  who  re^rd  tim  traffic  as  1^  mo$t  heinous  offence,  m^ 


Itl 


•SSI,  »o — «  "»">  «w»  mj^mnw  %MVK,.  IT  inere  tM  tmtinnm  w  le^d»« 

#  tew,  who  can  reconcile  to  their  own  views  of  Chritiltnity,  their  owfi 

•fciweous  ttKi  kiadec{uat«  noiior^of  the  dtve  tm^,  by  iookkg  be- 

Ca  the  crimes  and  the  cruelties  perpetrated  on  th«  coast  tnd  «i 
middio  paMago,  and  even  lieyond  the  dreadftil  deMr«Mfoa  ofttii 
ipecica  which  enaoca  In  the  West  IntMoa,  and  aD  the  mieeriefl  of'i 
hitp^hn  bondagevio  a  auppoeed  contpenialory  good ;  let  them  con- 
Alef  that  a  large  a«nMery  faluablc  portion  of  theif  ronntrytnen^ 
not  only  utterly  disbel^e  the  existence  of  any  such  compenrrtirti; 
hutfcject  with  hortw  the  idea  of  abetthig  Injuatle*^  cruelty,  and 
bloodshed,  upon  the  principles  of  expediency.  They  even  regard 
the  deliberate  admfaabn  of  «uch  a  motive  as  an  aggravation  of  tho 
crime;  because  it  implies  that  man  is  wiser  thun  his  Creator,  whoie 
bifieficeitt  purposes,  ife  thtia  supposed  to  be  at  variance  with  liH 
•Urn  eommands. 

I  will  suppose,  for  tht  argwnent's  sake,  that  these  men  are  mi- 
veasonaWy  scrupulous;  ati»  their  own  timid  consciences  must  gl»© 
the  law  to  their  expectations  of  the  favour  or  disfcvoin-  df  God.  Can 
it  be  doubted  then  that  muhitude-  of  Englishmen,  who  regard  t^ 
slave  trade  in  this  ligfet,  are  much  (fiihelHlenecl  and  alarmed  by  th« 
atrocious  national  rin  ?  Cut  they  hope  as  conlidently  in  the  benig- 
nsnt  dispositions  of  Providence  fdr  the  safety  of'thdr  country,  as  If 
she  were  ^ihless  of  innocent  blood?  On  the  contrary,  many  of 
ihein  are  much  more  intimidated  by  our  persevering  piwocttM* 
of  iUvinc  justice  in  the  slave  trade,  than  by  all  the  burthens  and  all  * 
the  visible  dangeta  of  the  war;  It  alarms  them  more,  and  in  the 
•vent  of  actURiimrasloh,  wouM  tend  more  to  damp  that  confidence 
so  essential  in  the  biisastof  a  soWief,  than  ail  the  vietories  of  Buoiia* 
parte. 

In  the  name  then  of  this  large  portion  of  my  fcltew  subfects* 
tihaft  whom  none  love  their  cen»itry  more,  than  whom  none  are  more 
ready  to  abide  all  extremities  in  her  defence ;  in  the  name  of  thdsi^ 
who  worship  God  among  us,  aftd  admit  no  pleas  of  expedieney 
agairtst  his  holy  laws;  1  earnestly  imptore  from  iJarliamcm  the  im- 
5«ediate  abolition  of  the  slave  trade. 

God  foi-bid,  however,  ^at  I  sh^rfd  dissemble  m  this  sacre* 
aubject ;  and  it  would  be  dissimulation  to  state  the  ufteasiness  of 
reMgious  minds  on  account  of  ^hts  great  offenoe,  ifVi\'hout  adding,  thai 
I  think  they  are  justly  alarmed: 

Yes!  I  will  dare  to  avow  i^  qjinion,  that  the  public  calamities 
with  which  we  have  been  so  remarkably  visited,  ever  stne«  the  iniw 
qtMa  «f  this  commerce  were  I^  open  to  ihe  mtmcA  cdnscwhce, 


113 


and  feibnnatkm  wat«dIoiuijr  withheld,  have  been  chsMtisemoitt  foy 
^t  odious  cause.  .   , 

It  cuuiot  be  neceMary  to  apologize,  in  a  land  CRlied  ChHsdaiH 
fiMT  aaniming  in  tiroes  like  the  preaent,  that  we  have  incurr^  th« 
anger  of  heaven;  or  for  humbljr  inquiring  bjr  what  ofiences,  thitf 
anger  is  most  likely  to  have  be»i  excited.  At  an  ma  ao  portentcwa 
aad  alarming,  the  athekt  indeed,  if  there  be  such  a  character  among 
us,  may  behold  with  a  stupid  stare  the  machinery  of  secimd  causes^ 
without  raising  his  thoughts  to  that  Providdlce  by  which  it  is  ^< 
reeled  i  but  all  who  believe,  that  "  verily  and  indeed  there  is  a  God 
who  governs  the  earth ;"  uid  especially  the  sincere  Christian,  will 
recognize  in  the  afflicting  prodigies  of  the  age,  the  hand  of  the 
Moat  High. 

That  the  goodor  evil  ckstinies  of  nations  are  often  the  retribu- 
tory  appointments  of  divine  justice  or  bounty,  no  man  who  believes 
in  the  scriptures  can  doubt :  «  A  fruitful  land  m Aeth  He  barren  for 
the  wickedness  of  them  that  dwell  therein."  A  tnousand  passages 
in  hnly  writ  might  be  cited  to  the  same  effect;  as  well  as  multitudeQ 
of  exan>ples  there  roodrded  of  jHiblic  calamities,  which  were  ex- 
pressly imposed  as  punishments  for  national  uns. 

What  indeed  can  be  more  consonant  to  our  views  of  the  divine 
government,  whether  derived  from  revealed  or  natural  religion,  than 
such  retributory  justice  ?  Kingdoms  have  no  world  to  come ;  com- 
munities of  men  will  not,  as  such,  stand  collectively,  before  the  judg- 
ment sent  of  Christ.  If  then,  it  pleases  the  Almighty  in  his  tem- 
poral providence,  often  to  punish  and  reward  in  a  remarkable  man- 
ner, the  vices  and  virtues  of  individuals ;  we  may  reason  from 
analogy  (that  best  natural  interpreter  of  the  unseen  works  of  God) 
to  the  probability  that  liations  will  sometimes  Le  made  to  illustrate 
in  the  same  way,  his  justice,  power,  and  mercy. 

It  would  be  easy  to  shew,  that  there  is  in  fact  a  close  analogy  in 
what  is  called  the  ordinary  course  of  providence,  be^vreer  the  divine 
government  of  steites,  and  of  private  persons.  Thewisvirtin;';  «)ually 
tend  to  prosperity  and  long  life  ;  their  vices  to  m*  •      issolu- 

tlon.  If  the  decline  and  fall  of  nations  may  generally  be  dat^d 
from  the  period  of  their  highest  attunments  in  arts  and  luxury,  that 
is  also  the  period  of  their  most  heinous  offences  against  God  ;  and 
however  opposite  the  proposition  may  be  to  ordinary  notions,  their 
most  cruel  sins  against  man  also.     But  I  must  abstain  at  present 


mIomAma.**     «)t«MB.na«. 


..   i:i il ~>  , 


•-0"* 


•._      J_     i_ 


such  cases,  on  the  express  testiuiony  of  inspiration. 

In  the  particular  case  in  question,  I  might  fortify  my  remarks  ST 


i«'y»  by  the  authority  of 


«r_  I 1 


,  wpeat«Uy  enjoined,  en  d.y«  of  fasting  and  humiliation,  to  .cknow. 
^d^o  that  the  c«l«miUe.  eikI  dangers  of  the  time,  me  appointmem. 
ol  divine  providi,ncc,  on  account  of  our  national »»».  The  ruiert  o£ 
mt  church,  have  not  indeed  attempted  to  point  out  to  u»  the  parti- 
^  crfTence,  which  call  for  reformation.  Spiritual  admonition  fit,«i 
tA<J  puipit,.ia  in  the  present  age,  of  u  general  kind:  but  it  is  not  le« 
the  nght  and  the  duty  of  individual,  to  give  a  particular  and  practi- 
cal  apphcatmn  to  tbe^^ons  reproofs.  It  it  ohvious  that  a  distinct 
conception  of  our  .ins,  whether  private  or  public,  must  be  a  n«e»< 
»^y  prelude  to  a  sincere  and  eflkacious  repentance. 

.We  have  no  prophet  to  declare  to  us  the  causes  of  the  displea- 
sure  of  heaven  ;  but  conscience  may  enable  us  to  discover  them  | 
andU  we  fairly  apply  the  examples  and  the  declaraUons  contained  in 
the  holy  scriptures,  to  the  case  in  question,  we  shall  inquire  in  tho 
W»per  way  for  its  solution;  and  with  a  well-founded  hope  of  success. 
.. .  VVhat  can  be  more  suitable  to  every  exalted  conception  of  th» 
cUyifte  nature,  than  the  causes  which  are  most  frequently  assigned 
111  »criptare  for  the  chastisement  of  sinful  nations  ?  They  are,  for  the 
most  part,  the  sins  of  oppression,  injustice,  and  violence  towards  the 
poor  aijd  helple*".,  and  the  shetlding  of  innocent  blood.    The  of- 
fence  of  idoUitry  itself  among  the  chosen  people,  was  not  more  fre- 
quently denounced  than  these;  nor  more  severely  punished. 

The  passage?  of  scripture  which  might  be  cited  to  this  effect  are 
numberless;  and  it  is  perhaps  only  weakening  the  general  effect  of 
the  remark,  to  adduce  examples  of  them.  Yet  for  the  satisfaction  of 
those  who  are  not  sufficiently  conversant  with  the  bible,  I  offer  a  fetr 
in  the  annexed  note.* 

The  almighty  declared  himself  offended  even  with  those  solerau 
fasts,  which  were  intended  to  avert  his  indignatfon,  whUe  oppression 
wjy»  unreformed.  «  Is  it  such  a  fast  that  I  have  chosen  ?  a  day  for  a 
man  to  afflict  his  souF?  is  it  to  bow  down  his  head  as  a  bulrush,  and 
to  spread  sackcfoth  under  him  ?  wUt  thou  call  this  a  fast,  and  an  ac- 
ceptable day  to  the  Lord? 

•  «  For  thus  hath  the  Lord  of  Hosts  said :  Hew  ye  down  trees  and  cast  a 
mount  agamstjerusakm.  This  is  the  city  to  be  visited ;  she  is  whcfly  oppre.- 
..Oft  m  the  midst  of  h*r;  violence  and  spoil  is  heard  in'  her;  before  me  cominii- 
ally  IS  gnef  and   .  oUnds.**    Jeremiah  vi,  6,  7. 

^Make  a  chain  j  for  the  land  is  full  of  bloody  crimes,  and  the  citv  is  full  of 
s«Xi;  ""'•'=^^"'*7";^""S««^vorstof  the  heathen,  and  thcy'sbaiLpos- 
sess  their  houses."    Ezekiel  vii.  23 -4. 

"Therefore  th«,  >aiih  the  Lord:  Ye  have  not  hearkeneiunto rt^'jn  p^! 


ii4 

«!*'<! n  YM  ttAi  the  feat  that  I  h»ve  chosen;  t'j  loose  the  \m^  of 
HHkedness,  to  undo  the  heavy  burdens,  and  to  let  the  oppi^s^ied  go 
IMli,  and  that  you  break  every  yoke  I" 

»  Not  k*8  elear  tothe  same  effect,  are  the  exh«rtatk>ns  of  the  pro- 
phet Jtremkh  :  «  Execttte  ye  judgment  and  righteousness,  and  de- 
Rte  the  spoiled  out  of  the  hand  of  the  oppressor;  and  do  no  wrcwig, 
*6  no  violence  to  ^le  atran^^r,  and  the  fetheriess,  nor  the  vridow, 
iicitherVhed  innocent  blood."  ■.; 

-   Those,  however,  and  a  thousand  snch  allmDnitlons  were  alighted 
15' the  offending  people;  and  what  was  the  effect?   An  hivading 
eword  was  sent  through  the  guilty  land,  its  throne  and  its  altars  were 
e^rturned,  and  its  surviving  inhabitants,  ^e?e  dragged  away  by  a 
inercileW  cimqueror,  to  groan  in  their  turn  under  oppression,  and 
to  illuatrate  in  a  miserahle  captivity,  the  Retaliating  justice  of  God. 
.'     Were  we  with  snch  scriptural  precedents  and  explanations  of 
the  ways  «f  the  almighty  before  us,  to  search  for  the  causes  of  the 
•pparent  dippleasure  of  heaven ;  k  would  be  natural  to  turn  our  eyes 
»ioward8  the  slave  trade,  mi*  account  of  the  specific  character  of  the 
'*^uill  which  it  Involves  i  even  if  its  eftoraawis  magnitude,  did  not  pre- 
eminently challenge  attention.    If  rapifie,  oppression,  violence  to 
th^noor,  the '  stranger,  and  the  destitirte,  dishonest  gam,  and  the 
« eif\}s!on  of  Innocent  blood,  be  put  in  inquest  against  England,  wher« 
^  will  they  be  fourd  but  m  the  slave  trade ;  except  indeed  in  its  asai&- 
^  dated  iniquity,  the  dreadful  slavery  of  our  colonies  ? 


claiming  Rberty  every  one  to  his  brother,  and  «very  man  to  his  neighbour :  btt' 
hold  I  proclaim  a  liberty  for  you,  saitU  the  Lord,  to  the  sword,  to  the  pestilence, 

'  and  to  the  fiumine  ;  and  I  will  make  you  to  be  removed  with  idl  the  kingdoms  of 

"'AeejCith.'*  Jeremiah xxxiv.  17, 
,  ■  **  The  children  also  of  Jwlah^  and  the  children  of  Jerusalem  have  ye  »6ld 
unto  the  Grecians,  that  ye  might  remove  them  fti»  from'  their  bofder."  •*  Be- 
hold, I  will  raise  them  up  out  of  the  place  whither  ye  have  sold  thefn ;  and  will 
return  your  recompence  upon'  your  own  head."  And  I  will  sell  your  sons  and 
your  daughters  into  the  hand  of  the  children  of  Judah,  and  they  shall  sell  thMn 
to  the  Sabeans,  to  a  people  far  off:  for  the  Lord  hath  spoken  it."    Joel  lih  6, 

;^-r,  8.  .  .  .:.  ^  r 

*'  "  Because  thou  hast  spoiled  many  nations,  all  the  remnant  of  the  ^opte  diaU 
spoil  thee ;  because  of  men's  blood,  and  for  the  violence  of  the  land,  of  the  city, 
and  of  all  that  dwell  therein."  "Wo  to  him  that  covctetn  an  evil  covetousness 
to  his  house,  that  he  may  set  his  nest  on  high,  that  he  may  be  delivered  from  the 
rowftr  of  *vi|-'*  "  Tho'J  hast  consulted  sham*  to  thv  hciiss  hv  catiins  r9  manv 
peopte,  and  hast  sinned  against  thy  soul."  "  For  the  stone  shall  cry  out  of  the 
wall,  and  the  b<»m  out  of  the  timber  *aU  answer  it."    •' Wo  to  Wm  that  build- 


mt 


bands  of 
essed  go 

the  pro- 
band d$- 

0  wrong;, 
e  widow» 

1  slightei) 
uivading 
;ar9  were 
way  by  a 
sion,  and 
5  of  God. 
lations  of 
e&  of  the 
our  eyes 
ter  o(  the 
1  not  pre- 
slence  to 
,  and  the 
id)  where 
I  itsau»- 


i»».»«»««ka^    m%m    'twtL    W^    «»  - *1 

'Mt^inm*.  ua  *«  uc  •itVltUl'UBS  Op^Jf^SI- 


•w  m  the  £^  ImMea,  as  weli  a«  the  West.    But  if  the  swupictoo  \m 
applied  to  our  treatment  of  the  poor,  or  t^e  great  mass  of  the  p«h 
pie  J  it  is  utterly  unfounded.    Theie  i»  m  slavery  in  the  dominions 
pi  the  East  India  ctMupany,  unless  the  contHtion  of  a  Sew  domectU 
lae  servmitS}  may  deserve  the  name ;  and  even  these  are  so  treated) 
that  their  bendage  can  scarcely  he  distinguished  from  freedom.  But 
the  labwring  classes  of  the  community,  are  in  gjgneral  free ;  nay,  for 
the  most  part,  the  ai^ultural  iabourers  tiU  their  own  iewsehoW 
lands;  for  which  they  pay  a  fixed  und  very  nwdei^te  i^m.    Ip  jjq 
part  of  Inyjia  ere  they  so  happy  in  this  respect,  as  within  the  British 
territories}  and  if  *he  native  princes  have  ever  had  cause  to  com- 
plain of  us }  to  their  subjects  at  least,  it  has  been  an  advantage  mi 
« Wessing,  to  be  transferred  to  the  government  of  the  company.    I 
heartily  wish  we  were  as  innocent  of  neglecting  their  moral,  andj 
spiritual  improvement,  as  of  impairing  their  temporal  welfare.*     , 
If  we  cast  our  eyes  around  us  in  this  happy  island,  there  h^\ 
less  matter  of  charge  against  the  national  conscience  on  the  score 
ff  vieleiKe  and  oppression.    In  no  other  pait  of  the  globe,  are  the 
poOT  and  helpless  so  well  protected  by  the  laws,  or  so  humanely 
used  by  their  superiors.    Nor  are  tlie  laws  chargeable  with  inju*- 
tice  towards  the  less  fortvkiate  peasantry  of  our  sifter  island ;  though 
here  perhaps,  there  is  i»',ueh  that  ought  to  be  re&rmed.    If  the 
legislature  be  now  ajlpable  in  regard  te  Ii^land»  it  is  for  omissioa 


bbour:  be- 
pestilence, 
ingdomsof 

v<  ye  86ld 

\t  and  will 

itr  9onsand 

11  sell  thi^ 

Joel  lih'e, 

jeople  shall 
of  the  city, 
ovctousness 
ed  from  the 

r  OHt  of  the 
t  that  build- 


"ity  by  iniquity*    Habakkuk  ii. 


«th  t  cc^n  with  biood,  and  estiilisheth  a 
8—12. 

"The  people  of  the  Iwd.  have  used  oppression,  and  exercised  rdibery,  and 
have  vexed  the  poor  and  needy  }  yea  they  have  oj^ressed  thp. stranger  wrpog, 
f«Uy."  "  Therefore  have  I  poured  out  raine  indignatipii  upon  them,  1  have  con, 
^uned  thesa  witly  the  fire  of  my  wrath ;  their  own  way  have  I  recompensed  upon 
their  heads,  aaitb  the  Lord."    Ezekiel  xxii,  29—31. 

«  Behold  therefore  Z  have  smitten  mine  hand  at  thy  dishonest  gain  which 
thou  hast  mad«,  and  at  thy  blood  which  hath  been  in  the  midst  (rf  thee.*  £g». 
kiel  xxii,  13.  , 
•  «« By  the  multitude  of  thy  merchandize  they  have  filled  the  midst  of  thee 
with  violence,  and  thou  hast  sinned :  tlierefore  IwiH,  destroy  tbet."  "Thou 
hast  defiled  ihy  sanctuaries  by  the  multitude  of  thy  iniquities,  by  the  ini<jujty  of 
thy  traffic :  therefore  will  I  bring;  forth  a  fire  from  the  midst  of  t^e,  it  shall  de- 
vour th«e,  and  I  will  bring  thee  to  ashes  upoa  the  earth.  Sic and  thou  shall  be  a 

tenOf.  and  nap^r  nhall  thnn  ho  antr  mn,^  "      17. 


»l,:_i 


•  Jt  ip  bat  just  to  say,  th«  the  l»te  govemwr-general  voMi^h  Wellks|f  y,  was 
very  laudably  dii^sed  to  promote  the  i«lijj;ioH»  iostructjon  9f  the  native*. 


,\ 


1^' 


* 


and  neglect;  witber.Uian  for  positive  wwjng;  nor  does  the  fault  arise 
from  any  of  those  unrighteous  principles,  or  from  that  oppressive 
use  of  power,  which  are  so  pecufiariy  offensive  to  heaven. 

If  therefore  we  are  suffering  for  such  offences  as  have  usually 
provoked  the  scourge  of  the  Most  High,  if  it  he  as  the  protector  of 
the  poor  and  destitute,  that  God  has  entered  into  judgment  with  \is% 
"we  must  I  repeat,  look  to  Africa,  ^d  to  the  est  Indies,  for  the 
causes  of  his  wrath.  But  the  magnitude  of  the  crimes  of  the  slave 
trade,  stUl  more  than  their  specific  character,  will  conduct  us  to  the 
same  conclusion.  ,.   ,      -.e,.  ^ 

Near  37,000  unh  )y  men,  women,  and  childrettf  are  yearty 
carried  by  us  from  their  native  land  to  a  far  distant  country ;  there 
to  perish  prematurely ;  or  to  end  their  days  in  hopeless  captiwty 
and  bondage.*  They  have  given  us  no  offence;  they  have,  for  the 
most  part,  committed  no  crime  even  against  their  cotmtrymen, 
^  worthy  of  exile  or  slavery ;  the  motive  of  our  transporting  them,  is 
|»ire  undefecated  avarice.  Yet  by  our  hands,  and  by  our  procure- 
ment, the  dearest  ties  of  nature  are  barbarously  rent  asunder;  the 
husband  is  dragged  froi^  the  arms  of  his  wife,  the  innocent  child 
from  the  bosom  of  its  parents,  and  the  cries  of  their  agonized  feel- 
ings  are  ended  only  by  the  silence  of  despair.  At  this  moment,  ten  ^ 
yT    thousand  shrieks  and  groans,  uttered  by  the  helpless  victims  of  Brit- 

Lish  violence,  are  entering  the  ear  of  the  Most  High,  the  righteous 
judge  of  the  whole  earth,  and  demanding  vengeance  against  us. 

Wliile  our  slave  ships,  like  hungry  vultures,  hover  continually 
over  the  coasts  of  that  hapless  continent,  dreadful  are  the  horrors 
in  the  iu.erior  by  which  their  victims  are  prepared. 
»'^  The  exportable  slavery  of  Africa,  is  for  the  most  part,  the  pro- 
duce only  of  crimes  which  we  directly  or  indirectly  stimulate  the 
wretched  natives  to  commit ;  and  by  our  means,  every  species  of 
miseiy,  is  continually  propagated  through  the  greater  part  of  that 
.  vast  continent.  Treachery,  false  accusation,  man-stealing,  mid- 
^^ht  rapine,  and  conflagration,  are  ordinary  means,  by  which  in  aid 
©f  that  more  copious  source,  captivity  in  war,  our  demand  for  slaves 

.        "'    •  The  number  of  staves  carried  from  Africa  Sn  1804,  in  ships  cleared  oat 

^'    ftom  Great  Bntain,  supposing  their  cai-gioes  to  have«qiialled,  and  not  excee^d, 

the  numbers  limited  by  law,  was  36,899.    (See  Sir  W.  Young's  West  India 

Common  Place  Book,  page  8.)     This  account,  however,  comprises  the  slave 

I  ,  ships  tradinsr  umlet-  British  colours  only,  Tf  the  British  slays  trarl?;  ratT4af!  ro- 
under American  and  Danish  colours,  prior  to  the  act  of  last  session,  were  in- 
otiided,  the  dreadful  amount  of  the  human  victims  immolated  at  the  shrine  of 
PUr  national  avarice,  would  be  greatly  enlarged. 


ittit  arise 

;  usualiy 
>tect<M'  df 

with  iMfi 
I  for  the 
the  slave 
us  to  tho 
-'  '♦"'w , 
B  yearty 
yi  there 
captmty 
!,  for  the 
itrynieny 
them,  Is 
procure- 
3er;  the 
int  child 
ted  feel- 
lent,  ten    >^ 

ofBrit* 
ghteous 

U8i 

itinually 
horrora 

he  pro- 
late the 
ccies  of 
of  that 
gj  mid- 
h  in  aid 
r  slaves 

;4red  out 

;st  Inda 
he  slave 


m 

ss  supplied;  and  while  by  the  frequency  of  thesf  crimes,  man  be- 
comes to  man  a  greater  terror  than  the  lion  of  the  desert,  to  the 
destruction  of  afl  ihnocent  commewief  and  civil  intercourse  between 
ihtHviduals;  frequent-  and  dreadful  wars  are  kindled  between  their 
petty  states,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  obtaining  Ci^ives  to  barter  wi«h 
our  merchants,  for  the  arms  and  luxuries  of  Europe.  ' 

Nor  is  war  only  increased  in  point  of  frequency ;  its  horrid  f6a- 
■  ^res  are  rendered  far  more  dreadfiil,  by  the  same  detestable^  mo- 
*  Hive^Populous  villages  are  beset  at  midnight,  by  armed  bands,  who 
after' killing  all  that  make  resistance,  carry  off,  to  a  more  dreadful 
fete,  such  of  their  prisoners  as  are  fit  for  servitude;  leaving  of 
course  to  perish,  all  who  from  age  or  infirmity,  depended  upon  the 
mort  vigorous  for  support. 

^     That  this  description  of  the  sources  of  exportable  slavery  is  strict- 
ly true,  all  ivho  will  take  the  trouble  of  reading  the  most  decisive 
pubUc  evidence,  may  be  fully  convinced.    Their  effects  on  the  state 
of  manners  and  society  in  Africa  may  be  easily  conceived :  and  where 
man  is  made  at  once  so  wretched  and  so  guilty,  it  may  scarcely  ex- 
cite additional  horror,  to  reflect  what  enormous  and  Various  destruc- 
tion of  human  life,  must  directly  or  collaterally  result,  from  the  same 
detestable  commerce.     This  murderous  waste,  however,  is  of  far 
greater  extent  than  the  uninformed  suppose.     Many  of  the  unhappy 
tepdves  are  brought  to  the  shores  of  the  Atlantic  from  very  remote 
parts  of  the  interior  country ;  and  in  their  way  have  extensive  desarta 
to  pass,  whei-e  so  many  eictemal  hardships  and  sufferings  are  added 
to  the  anguish  of  their  minds,  that  of  those  who  originally  set  out  m 
the  coast,  a  great  number  perish  miserably  on  the  journey.* 
«f    Exportable  slavery  then,  is  not  only  the  fruit  of  atrocious  crimes, 
and  exquisite  wretchedness;  but  this  fruit  is  not,  and  frotri  the  nature 
of  the  case  cannot  be,  thriftily  gathered.    The  hapless  country,  fo^ 
every  bondsman  placed  in  the  hold  of  a  slave  ship,  is  deprived  of 
much  mOTe  than  a  single  life. 

-*  But  a  still  further  waste  of  human  existence  takes  place  in  that 
foul  prison  itself.  The  mortality  on  the  short  passage  which  ensues, 
among  persons  chiefly  in  the  prime  of  life,  is  by  the  last  accounts 
equal  to  five  in  every  hundred;  even  when  the  excesses  of  a  bHnd 
and  merciless  avarice  are  controlled  by  the  regulations  of  the  acts 
ftiade  to  limit  the  carrying  trade.f 


were  in- 
shrine  of 


•  Some  truly  shocking  illusfrations  of  thia  truth  may  be  found  in  Mr.  Park'i 
txivels. 

*  t  Sir  W.  Young's  West  India  Common  Place  Book,  p.  10. 


TO 

Much  fMMtiir  Brap«rtions  of  the  fIftVM  which  urnva  in-  tha  Wc |||, 
lndie%  are  coiif«9Be(UK  brought  tp  ah  untiuaely  v^  speedy  dealh,  t^ 
lM  »eaaonn^^  Of  training  to  compulsory  labour,  in  our  ialands  \*  wd 
on  the  wheH  it  may  faiHy  be  calculated,  that  not  less  than  thret 
human  b«ing»  are  directly,  or  indirectly  sacrifjcoi  in  Africa,  on  the 
middle  passage,  md  « the  West  Indies,  in  order  to  place  a  single 
seasbned  negro  upon  a  sngarplantationf.'i    i  "   i'.""  '  '.  r  ; 

Such  ia  the  murderoua  nature  of  this  intercourse  with  Africa, 
which  opprobriwsly  to  tl^e  character  of  conunerce,  ia  known  by  the 
^ame  of  Uie  slave  trs4e. 

If  we  were  to  compute  the  homicides  which  it  has  produced  since 
we  fim  embarked  in  it,  the  amount  would  almost  exceed  credibility. 
Perhaps  it  would  be  no  extravagant,  though  a  horrible  proposition* 
that  a  sword  of  divhio  vengeance  which  shouhi  utterly  extirpate  the 
whole  population  of  England,  would  hardly  exact  more  than  life  for 
Kfe,  for  the  innocent  l^ood  with  which  we  ore  justly  phargeable.t 


^*^k?-i-A'-* 


•  By  ft  public  do«uine)%  r«|  the  possession  <4  his  majtisty's  jnitiistere,  it  ap- 
pears that  in  Trinidadu  a.  fuU  moiety  of  between  eight  and  nine  thousand  i^npoct'- 
ed  negroes  had  perished  in  two  years.  To  enable  the  reader  to  conceive  the 
complicated  miseries  which  brought  th-nn  to  their  end,  it  would  be  necessary  to 
give  much,  and  very  shocking  information,  respecting  the  settlement  <rf'  new 
lands  in  the  West  Indies. 

It  is  reputed  that  a  great  number  of  Chinese  have  lately  been  carried,  by 
whose  procurement  1  know  not,  to  that  island.  It  is  in>po?»U)le  here  to  expose 
the  faUte  views  on  which  such  an  expedient  xowt%^i3^*  new  lands  by  free  la- 
bourers has  been  built  i  but  I  seize  this  opportunity  to  protest  publicly  against  iu 
as  a  preposterous  and  cruel  experiment. 

t  Mr.  Edvrards  estbnates  the  total  import  of  negroca  into  the  British  colonies, 
from  1680  to  1786,  at  2,130,000,  but  admits  that  ih\^  is  much  less  than  was  com- 
monly supposed  ;  and  it  may,  I  conceive,  be  reasonably  taken  at  three  millions, 
In  1787  the  importation  was  21,023.  (History  of  West  Indies,  vol.  2,  book  C 
chap.  2.)  From  1795  to  1804,  the  numbers  carried  from  Africa  in  Bridsh  ship^, 
were  380,^3.  (West  India  Common  Place  Book,  page  8,)  and  these  may  be 
presumed  to  have  been  chiefly  carried  to  cobnies  then  in  our  possession ;  becatise 
our  foreign  slave  trade  was,  during  that  period,  chiefly  carried  on  under  AmericsUi 
ajad  other  neutral  colours. 

I  cannot  immediately  refer  to  any  authentic  infonnation  as  to  the  state  of  the 
trade  during  the  two  last  years,  or  during  the  years  from  1783  to  1794  inclusivl; 
but  as  it  has  progressively  increased  during  the  last  twenty  years,  it  will  be  a  vei^ 
moderate  eHtiiti^te  to  tsk*  tbc  iniDortatio!!  in  the  yeirs  last  Drecedinor  *a.ch.  cf 
tbose  periods,  as  the  avwrage  of  the  whole.  The  importation  In  1787,  therefore, 
being  21,023,  that  in  seveii  years  to  the  end  of  1794,  was  at  least  147,151 ;  an,4 
the  importation  of  V^  b«ing  36,8d9,  w«i  must  add  73,799  for  the  two  last  years. 


wad 


f»Vi  rtf" 


It  wmild  be  ouite  incombatible  with  th«  npre-aajm  ^mlf  rf  •»-s* 
jw^t  to  fl^{^,evtn  in  the  most  sijmmarjr  mannef,  the  di-cadfiil  op^ 


PrtortoirW  .       .  . 

from  1787  to  1794  indusife 

.i,^v.   »'  #      '-   ''""^^  *^**  *^"'*  ?°  1804 
^V  .      Inl805andia06 


3,ooo,ooa 

21,023 
147.151 
380,893 

73,796 


ToMrt        3,622,885    imported  inrt*  the 
IfftMh  Colonies: 

*  How  many  of  these  have  f)«iinaturely  perished  by  the  seasoning,  or  from  tlM 
iSrtwequeot  eSects  of  West  India  slavery,  cannot  be  ascertained ;  bat  we  may 
guess  at  it  from  the  following  data,  Mr.  Edwards  asserts,  that  from  aathentifi 
lists  of  entries  in  his  possession,  there  were  imported  into  Jamaica,  from  17(ji0 1» 
1786,  610,000  negroes,  and  we  ca-notsuppose  less  thk  lOO.OCfe td  have  been  oA 
the  island  at  the  tottimencement  6f  thut  period.  Froiti  I7a5  to  the  end  of  1792, 
>he  number*  Imported,  on  the  ordinary  proportion  which  Jaittttica  has  hsid  of  thft 
f*hole  British  trade,  could  not  be  less  than  30,000.  These  numbers  together 
ttmiMgive,  supposing  the  births  t<r  eqml  the  deaths,  A  population  at  the«nd  o^ 
1792 df  740,(500  slavts ;  whereas  Mr.  Edwards  puWishing  in  June  1793,  estimatcdl 
their  numbers  at  $50,000,  being  less  by  490,600,  than  the  nttmbirft  Imported  t  4ti« 
even  this,  was  near  40,000  more  than  the  imount  of  the  last  poll  tax  returns.  (See 
History  of  Jatnaica,  vol.  i,  book  2,  chap.  5.)  The  l6sii,  therefor,  in  thfsislirid. 
wotrtd  be  near  two-thirds  of  the  whole  number  imported,  if  it  were  not  for  a  de» 
ductlon  that  is  due  on  account  of  the  numbers  reexported ;  which  Mr.  Edwaidft 
irtimatfcs  to  have  been  in  Jamaica,  about  one-fifth  part  of  the  import.  Allowing, 
by  this  rule,  128,120  to  have  been  reexported,  the  losi  will  be  reduced  to  363,480* 
or  nearly  one  half.  '      * 

It  may  perhaps  be  objected,  that  in  the  lohg  period  here  taken,  a  greatpropor- 
tion  6f  the  wh61e  number  iitiported,  must  have  died,  even  under  the  mfldest 
treatment,  and  under  circumstances  the  more  fiavouraWe  to  longevity;  and  that 
the  calculation,  therefore,  for  the  most  part,  only  proves  that  the  births  have  ntK 
efjualled  the  deaths. 

But  I  atiswer  first,  that  it  is  impossible  to  suppose  the  growth  of  native  popo- 
totion  to  have  been  kept  down  by  any  means,  thw  have  not  at  the  same  time 
shortened  the  lives  of  the  adults  ;  especially  considering  how  extremely  prolific 
negroes  are  in  other  places,  under  far  less  favourable  circumstances  of  climate 
*nd  local  situation.  Secondly,  that  it  is  an  error  to  suppose  that  the  difference 
between  the  numbers  imported,  and  the  remaining  population,  constitutes  the 
thole  loss  by  mortality.  On  the  contrary,  the  numbers  of  children,  born  and 
iM'ematurely  cut  off,  during  so  long  a  period,  in  an  old  settled  »land  like  Jamaica, 

may  be  fairly  supposed  to  have  much  msr?  th-tti  -.-.ji^ih^J   a^-  ^_i^„!^  : -^ 

While  we  deduct  then  from  the  amount  of  a  mortality  produced  by  oppression 
among  the  parents,  we  must  add  to  that  whieh  was  produced  by  the  same  cause 
Jg(»ng  the  chUdran, 


4.  ^  ^ 

pression  to  whicl.  the  unhappy  expatriated  Africans  am  doomed,  in 
the  c  oIonic;>  to  which  we  carry  them.    A  subject  so  copimis,  so  im- 


Hfc'' 


^  Nor  hit  w,  answer  to  say,  that*  great  proportion  of  infants  every  where 
perish  without  attaining  to  maturity ;  for  such  a  surplm  of  births  is  also  found, 
where  oppression  does  not  exist,  as  more  than  equals  the  loss,  and  iiiakes  "he 
rising  greatly  exceed  the  declinin    ;3:eneration. 

It  is  true,  that  among  new-imported  negroes  the  males  shamefully  outnum- 
berthe  females ;  bm  let  it  be  put  on  the  other  side  of  the  account  that  these  are 
^most  aH  in  the  pritne  of  life,  when  added  to  the  ancient  stock. 

.  If  with  all  the  blights  to  which  infancy  is  subject,  and  all  the  barrenness  of  age, 
the  grove  of  human  society  is  still  elsewhere  full  of  leaves  from  shoots  of  its  nata. 
ral  growth,  what  luxuriance  of  foil^ge  would  the  transplantation  of  such  multi- 
tudes of  exotic  seedlings  in  their  full  bearing  have  produced,  had  they  found  * 
gonial  sqII. 

If  after  all,  such  objections  should  be  allowed  to  diminish  the  tale  of  actual 
murder,  a  more  than  equal  addition  might  be  made  on  the  latter  view  to  th? 
dreadful  character  of  the  system.  It  has  probably  hindered  the  increase  of  our 
species,  by  four  times  the  number  of  mUlions  that  it  has  directly  destroyed. 

The  mortality  in  new  setded  cobnies,  is  notoriously  far  greater  than  in  such  as 
Uke  Jamaica,  have  been  long  in  cultivation ;  and  therefore  if  a  moicty.cf  the  im- 
ported negroes  have  prematurely  perished  in  that  island,  to  suppose  that  the  same 
proportion  of  all  the  slaves  brought  to  our  colonies  in  general,  has  met  the  same 
fate,  will  be  probably  far  too  low  an  estimate.— If  so,  we  are  guUty  of  the  blood  as 
well  as  the  misery,  of  above  one  million  eight  hundred  thousand  of  our  fellow- 
beings,  by  premature  mortality,  the  effects  of  their  rigorous  bondage,  in  our  co!^ 
niesalotie.  ,j ,    ,  .; 

But  the  dreadful  account  by  no  means  ends  here :  for  we  have  to  add  tte  great 
numbers  lost  upon  the  passage^  and  on  the  coast^prior  to,  their  departure  from  it^ 
which  during  the  long  period  that  preceded  the  SlaveCarrying  Act?,  was  proba- 
bly at  least  15  per  cent,  and  we  have  next  to  widen  the  basis  of  computation,  by 
the  whole  amount  of  our  trade  directly  from  Africa  to  foreign  colonies,  or  with 
foreign  ships  on  the  coast.  This  has  always  borne  a  large  proportion  to  the  whole 
of  our  colonial  imports.    By  the  tables  furnished  by  Sir  W.  Young  in  his  recent 
work,  it  appears,  that  at  the  two  different  periods  to  which  his  account  of  out 
foreign  Slave  trade  relates,  viz.  irsrand  1802,  it  comprised  neariy  4.7ths  parts  of 
all  our  exports  from  Africi.    Ajid  of  20,658  slaves  supplied  to  foreign  colonies  m 
^e  latter  year,  only  5389  were  re-exported  from  British  islands.    On  the  whofe^ 
it  may  be  very  moderately  computed  that  we  have  sent  from  Africa,  including  tlie 
vast  numbers  that  used  to  be  sold  by  our  ships  on  the  coast  to  the  French  and  other 
foreigners,  two-thirds  as  many  in  all  as  we  have  imported  into  British  colonies  • 
and  therefore  if  we  have  carried  directly  to  the  latter  3,622,865,  we  have  prbbab^ 
expaumted  in  all,  above  six  millions  of  these  unhappy  fellow-creatures.    Let  the 
loss  on  the  passage,  and  in  the  foreign  colonies,  upon  this  additional  multitude  be 
j^»r.ui;pu,  aaa  jacr.  ici  us  z»K£  miu  iiie  account  the  enormous  waste  ot  life  thaU; 
must  have  been  produced  in  Africa,  in  the  reducing  by  war,  by  conHagration, 
«assaw,  and  all  our  otherordinary  manufactories  in  that  country,  six  mUlioos  of' 


w.  ««.M  »u  Hiucii  niMreprcMnteo,  and  so  Bttle  understood,  rtxlmv€^  ^ 
be  lUustraled  in  a  treatise  of  no  small  extent,  confined  to  Owt  single 
object:  and  such  a  treatbe  I  have  already  promised  to  submit  to  the 
»«Wk,imle8»  the  interesu  of  humawtyshoufd  happily  cease  to  de- 
mand it.    Meantime  I  will  in  general  affirm,  that  oiir  sins  agaitiM 
that  devoted  race  b  the  New  WoHd,  would  even  exceed  those  witli 
which  we  ar«  justly  chargeable  in  Africa,  were  it  not  for  the  <Jon»ide. 
ration  that  they  are  much  less  generally  kpown  in  this  country,  and 
therefore  less  deeply  affect  the  consciences  of  the  people  at  large, 
V'    If  the  guUt  of  the  slave  trade,  in  respect  of  t^  nature  of  the  of- 
fence itselA  be  enormous,  how  raqph- nHjire  when  we  consider  tlie 
pecuUar  obligations  which  we  have  l«ig  owed  as  a  nation  to  a  bcnig- 
Oant  Providence,  » 

Who  are  the  people  that  have  proroked  God  thus  heinously^ 
bnt  the  same  who  are  among  all  the  nations  pf  the  «?arth,  the  mm 
?mmently  indebted  to  his  boimty  ?    He  has  ,jiven  to  us  an  unesat^, 
pled  porUon  of  civU  Uberty;  and  we  in  return  drag  his  ration«^ 
creatures  into  a  most  severe  and  perpetual  bondage.    Social  happi- 
Bess  has  been  showered  upon  us  with  sjs^ular  profiiskm  ;  and  we 
tear  from  oppressed  millions  every  sociaK  Hay,  almost  every  human, 
<^rafbrt.  In  shor^.  we  cruelly  reverse  in  our  treatment  bf^hese  un- 
^appy  brethren,  all  the  gracious  dealings  of  G^l  towartls  ourselves. 
Wqv  our  plenty,  we  give  them  want ;  for  our  ease,  intolerable  toil ; 
for  our  wealth,  pritaUon  of  the  right  of  property ;  for  our  equal  laws, 
unbridled  violence  and  wrong.    Science  shines  upon  us,  with  her 
meridian  beams  ;  yet  we  keep  these  degraded  fellow-creatures,  in 
the  deepest  shades  of  ignorance  and  barbarity.    Morals  and  man- 
ners, have  happily  distinguished  us  from  the  other  nations  of  Eu- 
rope ;  yet  we  create  and  cherish  in  two  other  quarters  of  the  globe* 
ap  unexampled  depravity  of  both.    A  contrast  still  more  opprobit 
^U8  remains,  God  has  blessed  us  with  the  purest  eflFulgence  of  tb» 
Gospel }  and  yet  we  dishonour  by  our  slave  trade  the  Christian  name; 
and  perpetuate  the  darkness  of  Paganism  among  millions  of  our  fel- 
low-creatures. 

At  this  time  of  war,  and  impending  danger,  other  striking  con- 
trasts arise,  between  the  treatment  which  we  have  lone-  rpp#>ivi.fl  A«m 
iim  Almighty,  and  that  which  we  give  to  our  |y)or  African  bre- 
thren.   He  has  girt  our  isle  with  a  bulwark  which  for  ages  ha*^^ 

J.' 

p^le  5n  the  prime  of  life,  into  a  state  of  exportable  bondage .  When  the  whole 
of  these  dreadful  items  arc  put  together,  the  conjecture  in  the  text  wW  pcrhapt 
appear  to  be  no  excessive  estimate. 


L/>ufv%?u  9    nai    iiaa    at^ai\/€iy  tiuiiii^  a  \^«ni,ui/   auu  i»  iiaii|   a 


r 


not 

brief  and  slight  civil  contest  or  twd,  excepted,  visited  our  liappy  soil ; 
and  its  horroi*s  for  the  most  part  have  been  too  remote,  to  eJtcite 
even  a  fear  of  Its  contact.  To  devastation  by  foreign  armies,  tve 
haviB  been  strangers  for  many  centuries.  In  short,  our  domefrtic  ex- 
emption from  the  miiteries  of  vrar,  lias'  been  perhaps  unparallefed 
among  nations.  But  the  eye  of  an  all-seeing  God,  beholds  in  Africa, 
a  contrast  ureadful  indeed  ;  and  of  which  much  favoured  Britain  is 
the  chief,  as  well  as  most  guilty,  author.  There,  the  wretdh^d  i^f- 
lager  can  at  no  time  lay  down  his  head  in  safety,  secure  from  Iwring, 
bef^tre  the  rising  sun,  the  vidtltti  of  a  predatory  invasion.  To  fill 
our  slave  ships,  the  sword,  the  fire  arms  which  we  furnish,  and  the 
torch  of  midnight  conflagration,  ravage  that  hapless'  land  ;  and  v^ar, 
in  its  terrors  at  least,  if  not  in  its  actual  inflictions,  is  neftrly  in- 
cessant. By  Britain,  both  the  arms  and  the  motives  are  supplied')^ 
by  Britain,  those  horrid  consequences  of  captivity,  eternal  exile  and 
bondage,  are  chiefly  inflicted.  The  commerce,  th6  maritime  ener- 
gies, which  to  ourselves  impart  security,  and  internal  peace  ;  are  in 
our  hands,  the  instrum'eJftf 'of  unspeakable  misery  to  helpless  and 
unoffending  milHonb.      *'  '* 

Do  we  shudder  at  the  idea  of  those  calamines  which  a  success- 
ful invasion  would  bring  upon  our  country  ?  They  would,  as  I  have 
faintly  attempted  to  shew,  be  indeed  dreadful ;  and  a  united  people 
should  prepare  to  make  every  sacrifice,  and  to  encounter  every  dan- 
ger, by  which  they  may  be  averted.  But  while  we  contemplate 
these  menaced  evils;  while  we  deprecate  them  in  our  closets,  and 
in  the  house  of  God  ;  let  conscience  fairly  suggest  to  us  what  mO** 
dreadful  invasions  we  are  hourly  abetting  in  Africa!  how  much 
worse  than  even  French  bondage,  is  the  captivity  which  we  multi- 
ply, and  perpetuate  among  her  innocent  children !  May  the  merci- 
ful disposer  of  all  events,  avert  from  us,  guilty  though  we  are,  the 
horrors  of  a  foreign  yokel  but  let  not  those  who  can,  and  will  not, 
deliver  us  from  the  impious  crime  of  the  slave  trade,  join  in  this 
prayer  for  our  country ;  lest  it  should  from  their  lips  offend,  rather 
than  propitiate,  the  just  governor  of  the  world. 

The  obstinate  adherence  to  this  crime,  yriih  which  we  have  t(K) 
long  been  chargeable,  is  another  aggravation  by  which  divine  justice 
may  be  reasonably  supposed  to  have  been  provoked  ;  for  persever- 
ance in  guilt,  after  admonitions  to  reform  it,  has  in  what  wc  know  of 
the  course  of  Providence  towards  nations,  been  usually  added  to  the 
oflfence,  before  the  scourge  has  been  inflicted. 


ISS 


--IV  wi   «iit.««;iii  Uilic. 


Tfj* •iniQu'ti**  •^f  ♦H#'  fil^w*  ♦pa'!'»  ■■■■"  '--  "— -• -  ..-.-       .. -_  -  ^ 

tong  course  of  years  it  has  been  a  standiog  crime  of  England  to  ex* 
port  Negroes  from  Africa,  and  9«11  them  into  a  cruel  bondage  in  U^o 
colonies. 

But  of  a  stubborn  &nd  obdurate  mind,  long  perseverance  in  a 
particular  sin  U  not  conclusive  evidence.    An  inveterate,  as  well  aa 
»  .accent,  cjimj^  habit,  max  have  had  its  origin  m  ignorance,  or 
^ef  dlesji^^ss «  ajad  if  conscience  ita«  at  first  bean  blind,  or  inadvcr* 
tent,  the  error  is  more  Ukely  to  be  confirmed,  than  diminished  by  the 
length  of  the  sinful  pracuce.*    The  divine  justice  and  mercy,  there- 
$i^§,  are  inost  clearly  vindicated,  when  to  long  forbearance,  avrakcn- 
|ng  expostulation  is  added,  prior  to  the  avenging  stroke.    Accord- 
singly,  we  are  told  that  Noah  preached  righteousness  to  his  contem- 
poraries, prior  to  the  overwhelming  deluge.     We  find  Lot,  expos- 
tul^U^g  with  tl^|S  inhabititnts  of  Scdom,  befcye  the  fall  of  the  avciog* 
ingi^re  from  heaven.    Moses  and  Aaron  were  sent  repeatedly  to 
admoiiish  the  Egyptians,  and  to  demand  the  dbmission  of  the  op- 
pressed Israelites,  before  the  various  plagues  which  fell  upon  that 
4«! voted  land,  successively  chastised  its  contumacy.    Above  all,  the 
dreadful  scourges  which  were  inflicted  upon  the  stiff-necked,  though 
.I^St^BPi  wce»  were  always  preceded  by  an  open  exposition  of  their 
sin^,  and  earnest  calls  to  repentance  ;  till  at  last  the  warning  voice 
of,  the  Messiah  hinwelf,  loudly  denounced  those  full-blown  iniquities, 
>yhich  were  consummated  by  their  rejection  of  that  sacred  monitor, 

and  were  soon  after  punished  by  a  terrible  destruction. Amidst 

60  many  sign^  examines  of  this  righteous  mode  of  dealing  of  the 
Most  jHigh,  we  have  one,  in  which  the  obduracy  of  the  human  heart 
rejleBte^,  and  the  uplifted  scourge  was  withdrawn;  for  at  the  preach* 
ing  of  Jonas,  Nineveh  repented  and  was  spared. 

In  alarming  conformity  to  these  scriptural  precedents,  will  be 
fountl  the  conduct  of  Providence  towards  this  Icaig  favoured  nation, 
ypon  the  hypothesis  that  severe  chastisements  for  the  guilt  oi  the 
^avi^trade,  have  been  already  felt,  and  that  still  severer  are  now  ap* 
pioachijigv 

,  ,j:  The  extreme  wickedness  of  our  African  commerce,  and  of  th'l^ 
ijolc^al  oppressions  which  it  geaerates,  were,  till  about  19  years 
ago,  but  little  known  to  the  British  public  at  large ;  and  even  our, 
]^st  intelligent  statesmen  and  senators,  had  but  imperfect  concep- 

»^t  '•'It  k  well  known,  that  queen  Elizabetk  was  persuaded,  that  the  Negroes,  car* 
ried  from  Africa  to  her  colonies,  were  yoluntarf  emigcants ;  and  cxpreued  a  fioiiS 
horror  at  the  idea  of  takings  them  bv  force. 


Hfltw,  of  Um  n^nfiir  inrf  extent  ©f  tkose  fdal  crimes  which  British 
subjects  had  long  been  perpetrating  against  the  Negro  race,  tip^ 
both  aides  of  the  Atlantic-^The  mode  of  procuring  slaves  in  Aftici^ 
and  the  horrid  eifects  of  our  enormous  and  increasing  demand  fo^ 
them,  in  that  ill-iated  region,  were  distinctly  known  only  to  the  ob- 
teurt  and  aordid  indhri^uala  immediately  engaged  in  that  opprobrii 
bua  traffic— —Some  crude  notions  prevailed,  that  men  were  unjust- 
ly t^m  from  their  native  land  in  Africa,  and  oppressed  in  the  West 
India  islands ;  bnt  the  detail  and  tlie  extent  of  their  wrongs,  were  un- 
investigated and  unknown.  It  was  not  cleariy  understood,  that  mul* 
litudcs  of  cruel  murders  were  cbargcable  upon  the  British  nation,  as 
the  ordhiary  effects  of  the  slave  trade. 

<*  Th«  times  of  this  ignorance  God  winked  at;'* 

It  pleased  him  in  the  inscrutable  counsels  of  his  providence, 
\vhcrcin  compensations  for  temporal  evil,  rich  enough  to  make  its 
J>ermi«sion  just,  and  beneficent,  are  reserved  for  the  virtuous  suffer- 
er, Uiat  the  cruelties  of  our  traders  and  colonists,  should  be  long 
shcouded  in  obscurity,  and  unarraigned  at  the  national  bar. 

But  the  greatness  and  suddenness  of  the  light,  was  at  length  as 
reiittarkable  as  the  long  duration  of  the  darkness.— In  the  year  1787, 
the  wrongs  of  the  oppressed  Africaiis,  forcibly  attracted  the  atten- 
tion, and  excited  the  compassion,  of  some  able  and  eminent  men. 
Their  case  was  powerfully  stated  to  the  public,  and  still  more  pow- 
erfully brought  into  Parliament.  The  moral  feelings  of  the  nation 
were  appealed  to,  and  the  appeal  was  at  first  very  favourably  receiv* 
ed.— Pity,  remorse,  and  indignation,  were  almost  universally  inspir** 
ed  ;  except,  indeed,  among  that  too  large  ahd  powerful  proportion 
Of  our  fellow  subjects,  whose  private  interests  and  connections,  or 
prejudices  bom  of  such  influence,  bound  tfaem  to  the  aide  of  the  co- 
lonies. 

This  appeal  to  the  national  conscience,  was  not  supported  merely 
By  the  exertions  of  individuals,  or  by  private  and  hasty  examinations 
of  the  case.  Obvious  and  seemingly  irresistible,  though  the  moral 
considerations  were  that  demanded  an  abolition  of  the  slave  trade,  it 
was  made  the  subject  of  deep  and  long  investigation.  The  great  in- 
quests of  the  crown,  and  the  people;  the  privy  council,  and  bouse 
of  commons,  went  into  elaborate  inquiries  respecting  the  nature 
and  extent  of  those  crimes,  whereof  the  nation  stood  arraigned  by 
some  of  its  most  respectable  members :  and  while  evidence  was 


FCw\^2  ▼«/«.«    %jtM 


"i^yait.w  iiio  accuacra,  every  opponunity  was  given  *v' 
to  those  who  profited  by  the  alleged  iniquities,  to  deny,  extenuate, 
^o"^  !*?«*«  them.^j^^lte  immediate  perpetrators  of  those  crimes, 


TT^rc  rc^^.,,^  .a  ntkiivamsa  uriiiwi'  «wn  laTour.     if  oenitl  ttpoff  |R#' 
word  of  «n  AfWcart  tmdef,  or  West  Indhi  proprfctor,  of  arty  clftirgi   • 
by  which  his  own  interest  and  character  were  assailed,  was  adroit- 
ted  as  freely,  as  the  testimony  of  those  who  w*rc  Hible  to  no  selfish 
bias. 

Ifiqdry,  therefore,  If  hbt  impartial,  was  at  feast,  not  parttal  to  the 
actusersi-Yet  what  was  the  result  ? 

Td  state  the  substance  of  the  evi(»eirc«,  eVdf  In  the  ttiost  cow- 
Jiendlbns  fbnfn,  would  be  to  demand  thd  peni^l  of  a  Ikrge  VoluttC, 
upon  a  subject  ftot  Kliely  1  fear  to  obtain  the  attention  whfch  It  pt*. 

eminently  deserves,  at  this  alarming  juncture But  the  gcfjcral  tf- 

feet,  is  sufficient  for  my  purpose,  and  may  be  briefly  told,  the  slav^ 
trade  was  condemned  in  the  house  of  Comtnons,  the  only  branch  of 
the  legislature  that  gave  an  early  ofjinlon  uptjn  the  evience,  !n  the 
most  deliberate  atid  satisfactory  way.  Thai  immediate  reforma- 
Uon  Wis  not  toted,  is  a  tameiitable  truth  j  butlh'<^  itprobation  of  th<i 
slave!  trade  upon  moral  prihcipfes,  Hm  not  bn1«ite  account  less  de- 
cisive,  as  a  parliamentiry  verdict,  6f  Its  iniquity.  It  was  even  inotk 
so  perhaps,  than  had  the  just  iirp.ctical  consequence  been  instahtly 
adopted.  There  were  etiemies  endugh  to  virtuotts  refoitoation,  t« 
cany  a  votfe  for  delay;  but  Wc*^  tht^se,  iritK  tfife  ekception  of  a  self- 
inteW:Sted  few,  wert  til  strohgty  of  opinion  that  the  abolition  of  th« 
tradfc  was  a  moral  ddty,  ki  thfeir  opponents  r  hay,  they  adrtiitted,  that 
cveh  the  imperious  modves  of  supposed  poHtical  necessiiy,  the 
ground  upon  which  they  voted  Against  an  immediate  reform,  would 
not  justify  the  suspension  of  the  measure  beyond  a  period  of  eight  or 
ten  years. 

To  those  who  can  not,  of  will  not,  uhdeftake  tfie  fabdrftiai  talk 
of  c*ftmining  the  printed  evideiice,  more  dbtiiplete  saiisfaciibh  m  to 
the  enormity  of  this  national  crime  cannot  be  offered,  than  arises 
from  the  confessions  of  those  senators  by  whose  votes  it  Was  pro- 
ti-aCted.  Does  any  man  doubt  that  the  slave  #ade  is  a  system  of 
gigan^c  guilt,  let  hfmgo  to  their  speeches  for  conviction.  The  ta- 
lents  of  some  of  these  rt<in%ere  very  eminent,  their  diligence  ex- 
treme,  their  sceptical  deitteiity  in  political  discussions  characteristic 
eally  great.  Can  it  be  beHeved  then,  that  they  would  have  conceded 
to  their  bppdhents,  ground  so  formidably  strong,  as  the  admission  of 
the  moral  duty  of  terminating  this  traffic  at  an  early  period,  if  the 
effect  of  the  evidence  before  the  house  Had  net  ?r-i'°?=!;K!s  .-»=r^.=^..-j. 
2d  suchra  (ssncesslon  r-Were  the  guHt  of  a  convict;' whose'tJiccu- 
tion  had  been  i'espitfed,  mctieJr  of  doubt,  what  could  be  stronger 
satisfection  thftn  t6  sajr,  that  the  friends  at  those  lamest  solidiation 


19^ 


.«■ 


km  *UiB  bad'fop  ft-vhile  been  sparedt  ^^  confesMd  Uia  jutUce  of  U^ 

MOtonce  (  and  peutiooed  for  no  more  than  a  temporary  stay  of  ex«r 

ciitionf 

'  Wkilo  ibe  nature  and  magtutude  «f  this  grand  iniquity,  were 
thus  incontestibly  established  in  point  of  evidence,  it  pleased  HeavePt 
to  aid  the  effect  whiqh  Ihe  display  of  its  hideous  £i»tui«s  was  fittad  to 
produce,  by  various  motlcs  of  direct  and  strong  expostulation.  Not 
poly  was  a  flood  of  tight  poured  upon  the  consciiiucc  of  the  natk>n, 
which  before  lay  sleeping  in  dai'kneiis,  but  a  voice  clear  and  loud»  a»' 
ever  spoke  without  miracle  to  maii,  called  upon  it  to  awake,  and 
escape  from  the  judgments  of  Gotl,  From  the  happy  texture  of  our 
constitution,  the  public  mind  has  many  org^s,  tlirough  which  know- 
■ledge,  political  as  well  as  moral,  cun  be  conveyed  with  peculiar  faci- 
"fjity ;  and  through  them  ail,  were  the  people  of  England  addresaed 
upon  this  occasion,  in  the  most  impressive  maimer.  In  parliament, 
the  call  for  reformation,  was  supported  by  a  concert  of  splendid  ta- 
lents, such  as  perhaps  was  neve:  employed  before,  in  the  support  of 
Imy  national  measure !  Nor  was  the  credit  of  high  station,  wanting  to 
give  weight  to  the  pertiuasions  of  eloquence  ;  though  its  official  in- 
^uence,  was  fatally  withheld. 

r  Supposing  it  to  have  been  the  will  of  God,  that  the  result  of  tliis 
grand  investigation  should  furnish  clear  evidence  of  our  sinful  cha? 
racter  as  a  people,  it  is  not  difficult  to  discover,  why  while  such 
|trong  expostulation  was  addressed  to  the  commons,  both  in  and 
init  of  parliament^  the  influence  of  government  was  neutralized^ 
through  an  opposition  in  sentiment  which  prevailed  between  differ- 
ent members  of  the  cabinet.  Certain  it  is,  that  the  theory  of  ouv 
constitution,  was  in  this  case  followed  in  practice,  with  a  much  closer 
correi^ondence  than  is  usual ;  and  perhaps  than  is  generally  expe- 
dient; and  that  there  never  was  know^i  in  parliament  upon  any  ques- 
tion of  equal  interest  and  importance,  since  the  influence  of  the  crown 
succeeded  to  the  awe  of  prerogative,  so  absolute  a  neutrality  on  tlwB 
part  of  the  administration.  * 

vi  The  call  thus  fairly,  and  thus  solemnly,  made  upon  the  parlia- 
ment and  people  of  England,  though  adniitted  to  be  just,  has  not 
Mtherto  alas  1  led  to  repentance.  Like  Pharaoh,  we  promised  for 
«  moment  to  let  the  people  go ;  but  like  him?  we  speedily  relapsed, 
and  persevered  in  following  the  counsels  of  national  avarice,  in  de- 
fiance of  that  voice  of  conscience,  which  is  the  undoubted  messenger 


%rrL«^ 


r\.,. 


exceeded  that  of  Pharaoh ;  for  he  appears  to  have  doubted,  till  cMir 
yinced  by  repeated  plagues,  that  Moses  spoke  by  divine  authority ', 


lit 


•  ,1 


principles,  with  the  practical  demtndt  of  whkli  we  tiereitheiete 
refused  to  comply. 

I  hive  not  tinue  to  examine  those  strange  and  inconsistent  e«f 
ruses,  that  \irere  offered  by  some  respectable  individoaia  in  parlfil| 
ment,  for  withholding  immediate  reformation.  'l*h»f  mm»  not  on^ 
unsound  in  moral  principle,  but  Ibonded  on  assumptions  of  fucts  thitf 
are  demonstrably  untrue?  and  most  of  their  authors  have  shice, 
Cither  actively  or  passively,  depaned  in  conduct  from  those  practi- 
cal conclusions  to  which  their  own  arguments  ted But  no  man 

can  read  the  parliamentary  debates  on  the  slave  trade,  without  pe» 
celving  the  chief  motives  upon  which  the  majority  acted.  Th« 
sordid  consideration  of  commercial  expedient,^,  was  in  reality  the 
grotmd  dpon  which  the  solemn  call  upon  the  national  conscience  waa 
effectually  repelled;  and  monll  principle  was  deliberately  sacrificed 
by  a  national  assembly,  upon  the  altar  of  puWie  interest. 

Now  what  was  this,  but  a  public  and  systematic  defiance  of  the 
authority  of  God  ?•— Had  the  alleged  notion  of  effects  compensatoryt 
in  point  of  humanity,  that  most  specious,  though  preposterous  ple% 
been  ever  so  sincere,  and  well  founded  ;  still  such  a  perseverance  m 
ackmwiedged  iniquity,  would  have  been  opprobriotis  to  a  ChrisUan 
legislature  ;  and,  as  !  beiieve,  without  a  precedent  in  any  age  orna- 
tk»>*4€f  individuals,  in  aiming  to  produce  good  by  a  breach  of  ti|# 
di*ine  law,  contract  presumptuous  guilt ;  more  obviously  ftill  mt^ 
it  be  pronotmced  of  nations,  in  satch  oases,  that  "  their  condemnation 
is  just."  In  public  morals,  still  more  than  in  private,  an  infractic» 
of  aclcnowledged  principles  of  the  divine  law,  is  ill  compensated  by 
any  imaginary  good  consequence,  while  it  is  peculiarly  affronting  to 
the  majesty  of  heaven  ;  for  this  false  principici  always  implies  that 
God  ia  not  the  best  judge  of  the  tendency  of  his  own  institutions  ; 
and  when  irreverence  to  the  deity,  finds  admission  into  senatorial 
Assemblies,  the  example  must  be  fatal  indeed. 

Murder,  let  it  be  remembered  ;  deliberate,  cruel,  and  wide-ex^ 
tended  murder,  is  an  indisputable,  though  by  no  means  the  only  sin. 
Continually  produced  by  the  slave  trade.  Thousands  of  innocent 
lives  rapidly  destroyed,  and  tens  of  thousands  consequentially,  and 
most  miserably  wasted,  are  annual  fruits  of  our  African  commerce  r 
yet  this,  and  still  deeper  guilt,  is  openly  persisted  in  by  the  vote  of 
a  British  parliament,  for  the  sake  of  the  supposed  temporal  good  toi 
be  produced  by  it,  aid  the  temporal  evils  that  are  feared  from  Ten 
formation.  * 

We  even  aggravated  this  viotetbn  of  the  law  of  God,  by  .alleging 


■■  ■    ■  "^  ' 

(r»dt.    1?lif)  Bing^iO'  resolutKHD  <4  9  ChHttian  legislature,  Ui  prose<it 
«ute  for  years  to  come,  a  career  of  acknowledged  oppre&skuv  and 
Woodshed,  upon  principles  of  national  c«avenience,  seeaos  to  ainoimt 
to  a  sin,  which  not  *>nly  in  its  degree,  but  m  its  kind,  k  unpiecedeut- 
fd  and  enorniou*.    |t  it  a  contumacious  denial  of  the  suprevnacjr  oi' 
f«Qd  (  a  kind  of  high  treaton  against  the  ip.ajestf  of  heaven. 
f«   What  made  the  massacres  in  the  &    ^ets  of  Dublin  some  years  ago, 
ififferent  in  the  species  of  crime,  from  ordinary  murders,  hv^  th« 
^terous  pfrinciple  on  which  they  were  perpetrated  ?    The  rebels 
had  nr*  yet  enthroned  a  usurper,  or  erected  a  republic  ;  neither  have 
#*  yet  set  up  the  image  of  commerce  in  St.  Paul's  Cathedral  j  but 
Ve  carry  slaughter  among  the  innocent  subjects  of  the  king  of  he&- 
▼en,  as  Emmitt  and  his  fbllowers,  among  the  subjects  of  an  earthly 
Idling,  in  open  contempt  ef  his  laws  i  because  there  is  an  object  of 
'i^loyal  r.ttachroent  in  our  hearts^  which  we  avowedly  prefer  to  our 
Itts^ance.     We  say,  « It  is  true  O  Gody  thy  laws  are^  good,lwt  the 
Iinrsof  commercial  policy  are  better— We  mui*  continue, for  a  wbiUi 
at  feait,  to  violate  thy  nhost  solemn  cmnmandments,  and  to  destri^ 
as  well  as  oppress,  thy  rational  creatures  t  because  we  can  noothe^ 
wise  preserve  our  commerce,  our  colonial  interests,  and  navigation." 
^'  There  remains  one  further  scriptural  characteristic  d'tbosecrimes, 
Iby  which  the  penal  doom  of  natiot^  has  bee^  sealed.<-~K  mean  thf 
perverse  and  audacious  extension,  of  <     t  very  iniquity,  which  hae 
been  the  recent  subject  of  divine  expostulation,  and  of  a  neglected 
iM  to  Repentance. 
*'  k    M  They  be  idle^therefore  they  cry,  saying.  Let  us  go  and  sacn* 
fice  to  our  God,— let  thiere  more  work  be  laid  upon  themen,  that 
rtiey  may  labour  therein.'*——.**  Ye  shall  no  more  give  the  peopki 
^raw  to  make  brick  c.s  heretofore  ?— let  them  go  and  gather  straw 
for  themselves.'*  (Exodus,  chap,  v,  ver.  7, «,  9.)— Such  was  Plm- 
raoh's  answer  to  that  demand  of  God,  **  L«t  wy  people  go,  that  they 
inay  serve  me  ;*'  and  thtss  did  he  audaciously  straiten  these  ballds  of 
oppression  which  he  was  comnoinded  to  relax.— —Tiie  same  infa» 
tUated  monarch,  enhanced  the  guilt  of  his  contumacy,  even  after  he 
Md  been  repeatedly  chastised.    Immediately  beibre  tlie  slaughter 
of  the  first-born,  the  last  and  decisive  plague,  ht  drove  the  tnes8en>. 
ger  of  God  finally  from  his  presence,  "Get  thee  from  me ;  take 
heed  to  thyself,  see  my  face  no  more  :  for  in  that  day  thou  seestmv 
&ce  thou  *h$li  die.**    And  Moses  smd,  "  thou  hast  well  spaksn^MMi 
will  see  thy  face  ;io  more."    Exodus,  chap,  xxviii,  ver.  29. 
,    '1^  'Ims  not  possible  for  Great  Bi'iua^>  eautctly  to  R;Uqw  the  1kr,bt 


jpart  of  tuis  prcceuenc,  by  increasing  U»e  labour  ol  her  WuA  Jbdin 
"  bondmen.     They  were  already  making  biicks  witiiout  straw  j-und 
©ppreasion  in  our  colonies,  had  long  pioduced  an  effect,  tor  which  m 
Woody  mandate  to  the  Egyptian  midwives  was  found  to  be  neeeMs^ 
ry,  in  the  far  milder  bondage  oftlie  Israelites.— .The  poor  negro<»% 
who  have  no  land  of  Goshen,  no  Bocka,  or  herds,  to  be  the  subjeetg 
of  divine  protccdon,  no  fleshpots  of  Egypt,  to  sustain  them,  and  who 
have,  imteud  df  ^ask-maatcrs,  and  a  tale  of  bricks,  drivers  armed  with 
whips,  to  urge  forward  their  toil ;  could  experience  as  the  fruit  of 
rejected  intercession,  no  exacerbation  of  their  fate.— Neither  couki 
skve  making  in  Africa,  be  conducted  with  greater  fraud  and  feroc^ 
ty,  than  our  white  and  black  ag^ts  already  employed  and  abetted^ 
except  through  an  extension  of  the  trade. 

But  what  we  could  do  in  defiance  of  omnipotent  justice,  dreadftif 
to  think  !  we  did.  If  We  could  not  m^e  our  colonial  bondmen  mor* 
wretched,  we  could  add  to  their  numbers.  We  could  also  enlarge 
Ae  local  domains  of  that  abominable  system,  of  wnioh  the  dreadful 
nature  and  effects  were  now  foi  the  first  time  understood,  and  laidt 
bare  to  the  national  eye.  We  could  acquire,  at  the  fearful  cost  of 
protracting  a  ctdamitous  war,  a  new  and  vast  accldama,  for  the  ira» 
molation  of  ttie  victims  of  our  avarice,  in  Trinidada ;  where  the  pes- 
tilent exhalations  of  an  uncleared  tropical  soil,  would  quicken  the 
lethiferous  process  of  oppression  ;  and  where  enormous  and  ever- 
growin;.  demands  on  the  British  slave  market,  would  protract  the 
chief  pretence  For  continuing  the  devastation  of  Africa. 

Still  more  aggravation  was  possible  ;  and,  though  at  the  expenw 
•f  the  most  obvious  principles  of  worldly  policy,  was  accordingly 
practised.— —Conquest  had  given  to  us  a  temporary  and  precarious 
possession,  of  a  foreign  territory  of  vast  extent,  on  the  continent  of 
South  America.    To  settle  it  by  British  capital,  was  like  building- 
en  another  man's  freehold.     The  folly  was  still  grosser ;  for  it  wa* 
to  increase  the  competitory  powers  of  a  dangerous  rival  to  our  sugar 
colonies  ;  and  to  Bugment  the  future  maritime  resources  of  an  ene« 
xnyv— Yet  such  was  our  increased  and  wiamoured  attachment  to  the 
manstealhig  trade,  and  to  West  India  oppressbn  ;  so  eager  were  we 
tb  shew  our  contempt  for  consistency,  and  for  the  sacred  principles 
upon  which  reformation  had  been  promised  ; — so  bold  was  our  de- 
iiance  of  heaven  ;  that  full  sixty  thousand  additional  slaves  were  ma-f 
nufactured  by  crimes  in  Africa,  torn  from  their  native  lanrl.  anA 
placed  permanently  upwj  that  conquered  soy,  in^  the  short  term  of 
three  or  four  years,  by  British  subjects  alone.    New  plantations,- 
from  70  to  100  miles  in  length,  «pon  a  frontier  line,  were  open#d  at 


130 

llie.camejniiic  in  that  foreign  territoryi  upon  Biitish  capUal^  or  cre»% 
ditt  in  order  to  form  still  «ior«  extensive  and  insatiable  demands  for 

tfie  same  opprobrious  commerce.* These  facts  are  so  stranger 

that  they  will  hardly  be  credible  to  future  ages,  though  too  notoriou» 
to  be  denied  in  the  present.  They  imply  a  national  infatuation  which 
indicates,  as  well  as  an  obduracy  likely  to  have  excited,  the  vengeance 
of  the  Almighty. 

The  enormity  of  the  aggravation  of  our  sin,  since  the  first  call  to 
repentance,  wiU  perhaps  be  best  estimated,  by  a  view  of  the  actual  in- 
icr^ase  of  the  slave  trade  since  the  year  1787. 

In  that  year,  the  number  of  sieves  imported  into  our  colonies 

.collectively,  including  those  which  wers  afterwards  re-exported, 
and  sold  to  foreigners,  was  21,033;  and  upon  a  medium  of  five 
years,  from  the  end  of  the  American  war,  the  annual  import  w?^s 
3l,307.t    This  too  was  a  considerable  increase  upon  the  average  of 

Jhe  three. preceding  years;  and  even  while  we  possessed  those  colo- 
nics on  the  American  continent  which  are  now  become  independent 

^»tates,  our  whole  colonial  import  of  slaves,  is  estimated  by  Mr. 

^Edwards,  at  no  more  than  20,095  amiuaily.^:  et  during  ten  years, 
'"'^m  1795  to  1804,  both  inclusive,  the  average  number  of  these  un- 

;,liappy  men  yearly  brought  from  Africa  in  British  vessels,  and  under 
British  colours,  was  no  less  than  32,377.|)  Including  the  trade  car- 
ried on  by  our  merchants  under  neutral  colours,  the  whole  export  on 

^British  account,  probsbly  amounted  to  near  50,000  per  annum;  and 

^^in  a  single  year  of  that  term,  we  exported  under  our  own  fiag  alone 

53,05 1  .§  On  the  whole,  it  is  a  moderate  estimate,  that  we  have  more 

„■  *  The  following  extract  (tpm  the  late  work  f  Sir  W,  Young,  an  cminspt 
^lonist,  and  parliabentary  defender  of  the  Slave  Trade,  will  shew  whatev^i 
■^^ntlemen  of  that  party,  justly  say  of  this  branch  of  our  national  guilt : 

"  During  the  last  war,  and  especially  in  tlie  years  from  1798  to  1800,  the 
Slave  Trade  (per  table  8.)  appears  to  have  been  greatly  extended,  and  which  is 
.g  be  attributed  to  the  then  speculations  of  ttling  the  vast  and  rich  plains  of  De- 
4merara  ;  which  province,  on  the  return  to  Dutch  sovereignty,  by  the  treaty  of 
1802,  carried  with  it  a  vested  British  capital  of  many  millions,  and  the  liieansof 
increased  produce  to  supply  Europe  with  sugar,  portending  rivalship  and  ruin  in 
the  foreign  market  to  the  anciem  British  colonies. *^-( West  India  Common 
Place  book,  11, 12  ) 

^    t  See  the  account  at  large  from  authentic  returns  in  Mr.  Edward's  Hist,  of  the 
West  Indies,  vol.  2,  book  4,  chap,  2,  page  S7. 
:';    I  Ibid.  p.  55. 

ii  Sec  me  aucount  at  iai^e  xn  Sir  W.  Young'a  W«t  India  Common  Place 
look,  p.  8,     , 
§Ibid.    ''^    '■''  ■■'""■ 


*:.. , . 


\ 


■4 


"  fhan  doubled  this  horrible  trade,  since  we  solcmWyi^tflfAlii'ts 
IS^iltf  nature,  knd  pledged  ourselves  to  abandon  it. 

When  vre  advert  to  the  grounds  chiefly  resorted  to  by  the  &dvt^ 

tates  for  a  gradual,  in  preference  to  ^n  immediate  abolition,  our  iin- 

pious  inconsistency  will  be  stHl  more  apparent.    We  protengedtKl 

slave  trade  that  our  plantations  in  the  sugar  colonies  might  fill  d^ 

their  numbers.    But  what  was  the  whole  amount  of  slaves  in  those 

Colonies  in  frar^    According  to  the  official  returns  in  the  report  of 

the  Privy  Council,  465,276.     What  is  now  the  amount?     Only 

524,205;*  giving  an  increase  only  of  ^8,929;  but  of  this  surnt.    , 

tht  hew-acquired'tolony  of  Trinidada  fiirnishes,  by  the  same  csit^ 

Ttiate,  19,709;  to  that  the  actual  increase  in  the  colonies  we  held  In 

1787,13  only  39,220.     Yet  we  have  brought  from  Africa  in  British 

Vessels  alone,  since  the  pretended  necessities  of  these  colonies  was 

fnade  an  apology  for  the  slave  trade,  not  less  than  709,69 1  .f     If  the 

fil%de  under  neutral  colours,  permitted  till  last  year,  he  added  to  the 

*^e<>irht,  we  have  probably  dragged  a  million  at  losist,of  men,  womeft, 

and  children  into  perpetual  exile  and  bondage,  since  we  stood 

pledged  to  abandon  such  oppressive  practises;  and  equalled  in  a  few 

yeafs  of  our  promised  penitence,  the  formei-  crimes  of  half  a  ce«. 

ftffy.  -.  _       ■ .';. 

***^  The  foreign  islave  trade  indeed  is  at  last  abonshed  by  law ;  a  ri* 
femiation  the  value  of  which  I  am  by  no  means  idcliued  to  disparagii 
Bfet  with  many  supporters  of  that  great  measure,  its^  principle  was 
puf^ely  political!  and  its  effect  in  permanently  reducing  the  exteht 
of  the  slave  trade,  as  well  as  in  diminishing  the  guilt  of  that  com- 
merce, will  be  very  equivocal,  u»  less  we  now  proceed  to  a  radical 
and  well-principled  reformation.  Meantime  I  am  reviewing  the  con- 
dudC  bt  our  country,  let  it  be  observed,  since  the  year  1787 :  from 


•  This  »  Sk  W .  Young's  estimate  for  1 805.    Ibid . 

t  Bjr  Sir  W.  Young's  tabic  copied  from  official  returns  to  the  "house  of  com- 
iTirons,  the  numbers  which  the  ships  were  allowed  to  carry  from  the  coast  (and  It 
is  a  moderate  assumption  that  they  carried  no  les  were  from  1795  to  1804  in- 
chisively,  323,770.  In  1787,  the  number  actually  brought  to  the  British  colonkg- 
was  36^000. 

No  returns  I  believe  have  been  published  of  the  trade  from  that  year  to  1795; 
tau  it  i»a  very  low  estimate  to  suppose,  that  at  least  as  many  were  annually  car- 
ried froni  the  coast,  as  were  imported  in  1787.  •  They  were  indeed  probably  far 
more  numerous ;  but  taking  that  as  the  average,  we  have  in  seven  years  252,000. 
If  we  then  estimate  theexports  of  l805ana  I8O6,  of  which  there  is  also  no  authen- 
tic  account,  as  equal  to  that  of  1804,  which  was  36,899,  there  will  bca  further  a*. 
ditiondf7S,7^.    In  all  706^1.  ^, 


t$n 


m»^ia*%%  *%^t^r*A  4t\ftkm^  f^C  *V*^  tm'-i    •<^«»S^m-.  ^C  ««««l!«*««fi«%«<     '^•v^  ^AU^m*^^^^ 
^ufyia  l<v«>wv  iViann  o>  iwv  Mtai  oCaaiQns  VM  paiuaiiioUi)  u«^  auiioiutMtv 

p  this  national  sin  was  unqualified)  and  its  aggravation  such  as  I 
have  noticed. 

Cau  it  be  denied  then,  that  we  have  in  this  great  national  offence, 
■n  adequate  cause  of  the  displeasure  oi  Heaven,  and  of  the  calamities 
pirhich  have  fallen  upon  the  aountry 7  or  cau  it  be  alleged,  that  there 
i«  any  coteroporary  provocation  that  bears  any  proportion  to  the 
tlave  trade  ?  U  otiier  sins  of  the  same  heinous  species,  could  be 
justly  charged  upon  us)  if  « the  sorrowlul  sighing  of  the  prisoner, 
the  complaint  of  the  poor  oppressed,  and  the  cry  of  innocmit  blood," 
had  gone  up  against  us  from  other  regions  than  Africa,  ant!  the 
li'Vest  Indies;  stiii  it  ought  to  be  sJiewn,  that  in  those  other  cases,  as 
)D  this,  the  crime  had  been  aggravated  by  equal  obduracy,  and  ex» 
tended  with  equal  perverseness,  after  the  ope»  exposure  of  its  guil^ 
«nd  solemn  calls  for  reformation.  But  in  these  respects,  as  well  a» 
in  its  magnitude,  and  its  cruel  effects,  the  slave  trade  stands  alone 
among  our  national  offences;  defying,  likeSitan,  in  the  foremost 
rank,  the  wrath  of  the  iVlmighty. 

Could  Fc  suppose  oui*selves  just  arrived  from  another  planet,  im- 
pressed with  our  present  ideas  of  the  divine  government,  but  igno« 
rant  of  the  history  of  Europe  since  the  year  1787,  and  informed  alon© 
of  the  parliamentary  discussions  on  the  Slave  Trade,  and  of  those 
iniquities  which  England  has  since  committed  against  tlie  Africaa 
race,  we  might  naturally  be  disposed  to  inquire,  "  Has  no  scourge* 
from  Heaven  yet  appeared?  Have  no  calamities,  indicatory  of  di? 
vine  wrath,  overtaken  that  guilty  land?"   But  should  we  next  take, 
tip  a  history  of  the  French  revolution,  and  of  the  fatal  wars  that  havs^t 
ensued  ;  and  learn  how  strangely  the  prosperity,  the  peace,  and  the 
security  of  England  have  been  *  subverted  by  them,  what  singular 
evils  we  have  endured,  ever  since  our  first  refusal  to  abolish  the 
slave  trade,  and  by  what  still  greater  evils  we  art  at  this  moment 
threatened  ;  it  would  be  impossible  I  conceive,  not  to  recognise  with 
wonder  and  awe,  the  chastising  hand  of  God.     The  only  difficulty 
would  be,  to  comprehend  how  the  living  witnesses  both  of  the  provo«» 
cation  and  the  punishment,  could  possibly  be  unobservant  of  the  visi*? 
ble  connection  between  them. 

Never,  to  be  sure,  can  phjcnomena  more  strikingly  support  any 
hypothesis  of  this  kind,  than  the  dates,  the  nature,  tmd  the  cxt«?nt,  of 
our  public  calamities,  the  opinion  that  they  are  providential  chastise- 
ments for  the  slave  trade, — A  guilty,  though  highly-favoured  people,; 
are  called  upon  to  renounce  a  criminal  and  cruel,  but  long-establish- 
ed practice,  «i.  s^pugnaitt  to  the  laws  of  God—They  h»a^— delibe-. 


i«M>*-disobey.  Wiiiie  they  stiU  hesitate,  a  tFenieiido«t«ce«a^lt 
weaving  for  them  in  a  neighbouring  land-— the  moment  they  actuaUf 
disobey,  that  scourgR  commences  its  inflictions. — —  4 

The  abolition  of  the  Slave  Trade  was  first  virtually  refused  by 
parliament,  in  April,  1792.  Immediately,  we  were  engaged  in  tiiose 
stormy  contentions  within  the  realm,  and  those  disputes  with  France, 
which  soon  terminated  in  the  last  calamii  us  war.-— *In  February, 
1793,  the  house  of  commons  more  openly  and  clearly  declared 
»gainst  reformauon,  by  postponing  for  six  months  a  motion  made  by 
Mr.  Wilberforce,  foi-  going  into  a  committee  on  the  Slave  Trade  j 
which  was  in  effect  to  refuse  even  the  gradual  abolition  voted  in  thci 
preceding  year  .—In  the  same  nwnth,  a  sword  was  definitely  drawn^ 
which  was  not  during  nine  years  returned  to  its  scabbard ;  and  which 
is  now  redrawn,  perhaps  to  be  sheathed  no  more  till  England  has 
ceased  to  exist^^Within  that  period  of  six  months,  during  which 
the  claims  of  justice  and  mercy  were  contemptuously  adjournec^ 
•vents  took  place  in  Fi-ance,  fertile  to  us  of  unprecedented  evils,  a« 
we  already  feel ;  and  perhaps  decisive  of  our  fate.  , 

We  have  since  gone  on  in  the  same  path,  rejf^cting  motion  after 
motion,  and  bill  after  bill,  upon  the  same  obdurate  principles;  and  a. 
cliasdsing  Providence  has  kept  pace  with  our  temerity ;  heaping 
misfortune  on  misfortune,  and  addujg  danger  to  danger.    As  wet 
rouldplied  and  aggravated  the  impious  crime,  God  multiplied  and 
Q^ravated  the  punishment.     Treason,  femine,  mutiny,  civil  war, 
the  loss  of  our  specie,  the  sale  of  our  land  tax,  the  eiwrmous  growth 
of  our  national  debt,  the  intolerable  pressure  of  taxation,  the  discora* 
fiture  of  our  miUtary  enterprises,  the  destruction  of  our  armies  byi 
disease,  the  deplorable  ruin  of  our  allies,  the  stupendous  exaltation  o£. 
our  enemies ;  these,  and  other  plagues,  followed,  like  those  of  Egypt» 
in  a  rapid  succession,  upon  every  itemtion  of  our  refusals  to  obey  tho 
voice  of  God,  by  renouncing  the  execrable  slave  trade. 

We  obtained  at  length  a  breathing  time  of  peace;  but  we  were^ 
still  contumacious  to  the  behests  of  the  Almighty ;  for  such,  I  dare, 
to  call  the  plain  demands  of  justice  and  humanity.  He  sent  us 
therefore  a  new  war  j  and  tremendous  have  been  its  events. 

Where  will  this  sad  series  end  ?  Can  we  wearv  out  (io^  ?  Ar»  «,«. 
stronger  than  he?  Ah,  infatuated  men  !  who  would  still  urge  us  to 
perseverance  in  this  impious  course,  tremble  at  the  prospect  before 


vou. 


Our  public  ^ioonit  lik«  the  darkne*u»  nf  ¥.sr*!ttt. 
_  •  -  -   —  -  -^--  _- 


~    -7 


for  a  while  $  but  if  you  harden  yourselves  still,  the  final  event  wiU 
be  dreadful. 

»^ft  is  needles*  to  point  flut  the  cxtraordiiiary  natwe  of  the  se- 


4-  f 


«J4 

^GtiA  csOTCi  by  which  these  cafemidcs  have  bcsft  produced.  T»#f 
k«ve  excited  universal  astonishment,  they  have  confiwnded  the  wis- 
dom of  the  wise,  and  are  without  a  parallel  in  the  history  of  m«n- 
kind.  Even  those  who  do  not  seriously  look  up  to  the  disposing 
power  of  an  all-vrise  and  omnipotent  ruler  of  the  earth,  often  speak 
of  this  case  as  if  they  did ;  because  they  have  no  other  n^ode  of  ex- 
pressing their  amazement  at  the  strange  progress  of  events.  But 
how  can  the  devout  mind,  possibly  pass  unnoticed,  the  striking  pro* 
portion  and  resemblance,  as  well  as  the  singular  coincidences  in  point 
of  time,  between  these  wonders,  and  the  sin  of  the  slave  trade  ?       * 

I  date  the  grand  provocation  given  by  that  crime,  from  the  puH» 
Kc  developement  of  its  nature,  and  the  obdurate  refusal  to  reform  it. 
—And  when  upon  earth,  since  the  delivery  of  the  Israelites  from 
Egypt,  was  there  an  equal,  or  similar  case?  «^»/t  wow  of  the  datjut 
that  are  past ^  which  were  befyre  thee,  nince  the  <Uty  that  God  created 
man  u/ian  the  earth  ;  and  ask  from  one  side  of  heaven  unto  the  ot!ier^ 
v/hether  there  hath  been  any  sdch  things  cA  this  great  thing  is,  or  hatk 
been  heard  like  it  ?-^H<tth  God  aamyed  to  take  to  himtelf  a  nat^n  out 
ffthe  midst  of  another  ntition,  ilfc" 

*>»li*et  me  with  reverence  imitate  these  awakening  expostulation* ; 
and  ask,  was  it  ever  before  heard,  or  known,  that  God,  speaking  by 
the  voice  of  conscience,  and  of  his  own  reveakwl  laws,  publicly 
called  upon  a  great,  civilized,  and  highly -favoured  people,  to  desist 
from  spreading  desolation  and  misery  over  a  large  region  of  the 
globe  ;  and  from  carrying  into  a  horrible  bondage,  millions  of  his 
wtional  creatures? — Was  any  human  legislature  ever  before  appeal- 
ed to  on  a  subject  of  such  stupendous  moment  to  the  inhabitants  of 
the  earth,  or  upon  such  high  and  awful  principles?  But  a  still  more 
alarming  inquiry  is,  Did  ever  before  any  people.  Christian  or  Pagan, 
so  flagrantly  violate  the  religious  principles  which  they  profess  to  re- 
spect, and  offer  so  gross  an  affront  to  the  deity  whom  they  outward- 
ly worship;  as  the  parliament  of  England,  in  rejecting  this  appeal, 
and  redoubling  tlie  crimes  of  the  slave  trade  ? 

Surety  in  such  a  case,  it  is  consonant  to  our  preconceptions  of  the 
ways  of  Providence,  that  the  punishment  should  be  singular  and 
■wonderful  in  its  means,  es  well  in  its  severity.  Surely  the  prodigies 
of  the  age,  fornish  here  an  awful  parallel  to  the  iniquities  of  Eng* 
iMidi   • 

>  It  is,  I  feel,  injuring  this  great  and  sacred  subject,  to  treat  it  in  a 
oarsory  and  partial  way.  The  reasoning  by  which  my  own  mind 
has  long  been  clearly  satisfied,  that  our  sins  against  the  African  race 
have  chiefly,  or  solely,  drawn  upon  us  the  ciaaraitieii  with  which  wc 


IS5 

hav€  duHng  near  nfieen  years  been  visited,  rests  upon  m»  induction 
from  many  particulars ;  and  to  omit  any  of  them,  i,  to  weaken  the 
force  of  the  rest.     Upon  the  singular  and  important  events  of  the 
late  war  m  the  West  In<Ues,and  especially  the  extraordinary  revo* 
lution  m  St.  Domingo,  many  important  observations  might  be  made, 
tendmg  greatly  to  fortify  my  general  conclusion.     But  it  is  impossi- 
ble m  a  work  like  the  present  fully  to  state,  and  still  more  to  reason 
upon,  the  whole  of  the  extraordinary  phenomena  from  which  my 
«oO vicuons  are  derived.    Yet  I  cannot  prevail  on  myself  wholly  to 
suppress  at  this  great  crisis,  an  opinion  so  closely  connected  with 
my  general  subject,  and  with  the  destiny  of  my  country ;  an  opinion 
which  has  long  had  a  powerful  influence  on  the  conduct  of  my  life  • 
and  which  I  share  in  common  with  many  men  of  the  clearest  underl 
standings,  as  well  as  the  most  diiiinguished  piety  and  virtue. 
^    If  my  necessary  limits  wUl  not  allow  me  fully  to  state  the  hyp^jr  • 
thesis  Itself,  and  the  positive  arguments  upon  which  it  stands,  mudr 
kss  to  remove  difficulties,- or  repelobjecuons;  but  there  is  one* 
which^frpm.us  specious  nature,  demands  from  me  some  general  no- 
tice. 

Is  it  objected  that  other  .nations  have  also  drunk,  and  hitherte- 
much  deeper  than  ourselves,  of  the  phial  of  divine  wrath  poured  out 
in  the.I-rench  revolution?  I  admit  the  fact—But  did  they  still^ 
•Irink  deeper  too  of  «  the  cup  of  tremWing,"  the  dregs  of  which 
may  soon  b?  all  our  own,  the  objection  would  suU  be  of  Uttle 
weight. 

Without  attempting  to  explain,  or  conjecture,  the  entire  8chem«  , 
•fa  chastising  Providence  j  it  may  be  presumed,  that  those  nations' 
also,  have  all  grievously  provoked  the  indignation  of  a  righteous  Godi^ 
and^some  of  them  in.  the  same  way,  though  not  in  the  same  degree^, 
with  ourselves.     Infinite  wisdom  well  knows  how  to  punish  many 
different  offenders,  by  the  same  identical  scourge,  or  through  the 
saro.f  sources  of  evil. 

I  am  relieved  indeed  from  the  necessity  of  suggesting  a  proba. 
We  cau?e  t  f  provocaUon  on  the  part  of  Austria,  Prussia,  and  Russia ; 
since  the  itnking  retaliation  which  two  of  those  powers  have  already 
met  with,  for  their  injustice  and  cruelty  towards  Poland,  seems  of 
late,  to  have  made  a  strong  impression  on  the  public  mind.  We  not 
only  hear  m  the  conversation  of  the  serious,  and  even  of  thtf  ineli- 
gious ;  but  read  in  the  public  prints,  where  m«t!-- -f -J.-.^^.  ^b---- 
tion  does  not  often  find  a  place,  remarks  on  the  exact  "netribution, 
^rMch  divine  Providence  h^s  in  this  case  brought  home  to  the  s^.- 
ers  of  an  unfortunate  nation.    Te  be  surcj,  y^hm.  we  turn  our  e^*-  , 


n^ 


t»  PeisRd  as  the  seat  of  ittimediate  war ;  when  ws  rscolfesct  withas 
how  tew  years,  its  patriotic  and  unhappy  soveriegn  was  deprived  of 
kis  sceptre,  by  a  foul  confederacy  of  those  powers,  two  of  whom 
hav«  since  nearly  lost  tlieir  own  ;  when  we  reflect  on  the  unjust  and 
violent  partitions  of  territory,  to  which  they  have  already  been  com- 
peUed  in  their  turns  to  submic ;  and  how  reasonably  they  may  dreail 
tt  final  dismemberment  of  their  dominions  :-»VVheD,  in  a  word,  wf» 
find  Buonaparte  at  Warsaw ;  and  recollect  how  lately  he  was  at  Ber- 
lin, and  Vienna;  it  would  be  difficult  even  for  an  atheist,  to  ascribe 
such  strong  characteristics  of  a  Providential  retribution,  to  the  merv 
effect  of  chance. 

What  i  would  wish  to  add  to  the  existing  popular  impressions 
(»n  that  subject,  is  only  the  remark,  that  Poland  was  like  Africa,  im- 
piously destroyed  upon  pleas  of  political  <?ar/jerfi>ncy.— That  idola- 
trous principle,  that  gr<^nd  heresy  of  the  age,  which  strikes  at  the 
very  foundation  of  the  whole  edifice  of  morals,  and  insults  the  di- 
vine lawgiver,  by  arraigning  the  wisdom  or  goodness  of  his  institu- 
tions, was  the  alleged  defence  of  three  mighty  sovereigns,  for  an 
avowed  violation  of  justici.— They  threw  down  the  gauntlet  to  Om- 
nipotence ;  and  his  venge^ice  seems  to  have  taken  it  up. 

In  other  countries,  causes  of  provocation  enough  might  be  found 
perhaps,  without  listening  to  those  accounts  which  have  been  given 
of  the  degenerated  state  of  their  private  morals  and  manners;  enough 
at  least  to  satisfy  those,  who  consider  tlie  substitution  of  philosophi- 
cal scepticism  for  Christianity,  as  no  venial  offence  against  God.  In 
Italy,  that  Caprea  of  gross  and  beastly  sensuality,  it  would  be  still 
less  difficult  to  find  adequate  causes,  for  its  share  of  the  general' 
plagues.  But  after  all,  should  any  apparent  difficulties  remain  ou> ' 
this  subject,  they  would  be  only  such  as  belong,  in  our  finite  views, 
to  the  ordinary  providence  of  God.  Some  less-offending  nations  of 
Europe,  like  innocent  members  of  the  same  family,  or  country,  may 
possibly  be  involved  with  their  more  guilty  neighbours  or  connec- 
tions, in  evils  which  are  the  penal  chastisement  of  extraordinary,  at 
■well  as  those  which  are  the  natural  effects,  of  ordinary  crimes.  The 
Altnighty  has  particular,  or  individual  distinctions  enough,^nd  com- 
pensatory provisions  enough,  in  store,  to  reconcile  with  universal 
justice  the  occasionally  awful  display  of  his  moral  discipline  toward* 
natimis  and  communities  of  men,  without  disturbing  the  general 
laws  of  nature:  but  it  is  evident,  that  unless  such  a  miracukms  dis- 
crimination as  was  exhibited  in  Goshen,  were  again  to  be  made  ;  » 
so^ge  infiicted  on  many  of  the  nations  of  Europe,  must  be  felt  'm 
soittd  measure  by  the  rest. 


m 


lif^ 


As  to  France,  Spain,  Koiiand,  and  Portugal,  their  shares  ts  th« 
oppreM'  >n  of  Africa,  at  that  epoch  of  general  proTocation  which  im- 
iiiedi«te;f  preceded  the  grand  revolution  in  France,  were  only  infe- 
rior to  our  own.  I  mean  not  to  convey  that  they  were  chargeable 
with  no  other  sins,  peculiar  in  their  extent  and  character  to  that  pe- 
riod I  but  in  Africa  and  the  West  Indies,  those  slave  trading  nations, 
had  all  like  ourselves,  recently  and  greatly  aggravated  their  long  es- 
tablished offbnces. 

Here,  as  in  other  parts  of  this  great  subject,  I  deeply  regret  th» 
ndCessity  of  abstaining  from  full  historical  statements,  of  facts  little 
known  to  the  public.  .^ 

It  may  perhaps  surprise  many  readers  to  hear,  that  the  unfortu- 
nate Louis  XVIth,  a  short  time  prior  to  the  revolution,  distinguish- 
ed himself  from  all  his  predecessors,  by  zealous  endeavours  to  ex- 
tend the  slave  trade  of  France.  *      ,,., 
Such  however  was  the  fact.    That  shocking  trade,  had  beeti 
nearly  abandoned  by  the  French  merchants;  and  ihe misguided  mo- 
narch, under  evil  advice,  laboured  strenuously  to  induce  them  to  re- 
sume it  By  an  ordinance  of  Oct.  1784,  he  offered  a  bounty  of  forty 
livres  per  ton  (which  reducing  the  French  measuration  of  ships  to  ( 
our  own  rt*ndard,  wor  «<|««i  tu  eighty  Uvres  per  ton  English) 
upon  all  ships  that  should  clear  out  from  the  ports  of  France  for 
tho  slave  trade;  and  he  added  premiums  on  n^roes  imported  into 
the  French  cokmies,  of  sixty  Uvres  per        1,  in  the  windward  Islands, 
and  one  hundred  livres  in  St.  Domingo -By  subsequent  ordi- 
nances, these  premiums  were  raised  by  him  to  no  less  than  one  hun- 
dred and  sixtty  livres  in  the  former  colonies,  and  two  hundred  and 
thirty  livres  in  the  latter.*    The  natural  effect  was  so  enormous  an 
increase  of  this  guilty  commerce,  thai  in  1787  and  1788,  60,345 
slaves  were  imported  into  St.  Domingo  alone.    On  the  whole,  it 
may  be  fairly  computed^  that  300,000  human  beings  were  carried 
into  ft  miserable  captivity,  at  the  direct  instigaticm  of  that  govern- 
ment which  was  soon  after  so  terribly  chastised. 

It  mayperhaps  be  equdly  unknown  to  the  British  public  at  large, 
that  at  tMW»ame  memorable  period,  Spain  began  a  new  career  of 
oppresuon  in  her  colcmies,  and  framed  a  new  system  of  trade  for 
them,  expressly  in  order  to  encourage  the  importation  of  slaves. 
The  facts  of  this  htter  case,  are  so  varbus,  striking,  and  important, 
that  they  deserve  a  very  particular  statement  i  but  from  the  ahsolut* 
necessity  of  compressbn,  I  will  here  only  give  ihe  ^citid  of  a  decree 

•  See  Privy  CouncU  Report  onthc  Slave  Trade,  Part  6.  Tide  France. 


m 


»■* 


138 

•f  hii  Soanish  MMeBtv.  of  February.  17B9.  bv  which  fl^cml  of  the 
new  regulations  were  introduced. 

«  In  order"  says  that  ill-advised,  and  since  unfortunate  monarch, 
*i  to  promote  by  every  imaginable  meam  the  great  advantage*  which  the 
tncouragement  of  agriculture  mu$t  produce^  J  thought  proper  to  cauae 
the  teveral  plana  of  the  introduction  of  Megroea  into  the  ialanda  of  Cuba 
Santo  Domingo^  Porto  Ricoy  and  the  province  of  Caraccaa,  to  be  well 
examined^  with  a  view  of  recurring  to  the  urgent  neceaaity  there  ia  tff 
attch  helpa,  without  which  theae  countriea  can  neither  proaper  orftouriah, 
nor  produce  to  the  state  tlte  immenae  richea^  which  the  climate  and  fer- 
tility <f  their  aoU  afford;  and  having  treated  thia  aerioua  aubject  with 
that  attention  which  the  importance  qfit  claims^  I  have  determined  for 
the  present  that  thia  trade  ahall  be  carried  on  under  the  following  rule* 
and  comUtUma,"  He  afterwards,  in  the  13th  article,  recites  the  di- 
ject  to  be,  "  to  procure  for  all  hia  aubjecta  the  greater  advantagea  in  the 
alave  trade^  as  well  aa  to  augmem  the  number  qfcultivatora  in  the  Ame- 
rican coloniea."*  * 

The  contemporary  conduct  of  Holland,  was  of  the  same  oppro- 
brious cast.  The  Duteh  slave  trade  had  also  languished,  or  rathen 
was  quite  extinct,  when  in  May  1788,  the  states-general,  at  the  in- 
stance of  the  planters  of  Guiana,  r«iialv»rl  nn  vigomns  measures  for 
its  revival  and  extension.  The  leading  resolution  was  in  the  follow- 
ing terms— "77ia/  every  meana  should  be  employed  to  promote  the 
speedy  enlargement  of  the  akrve  trade."  Accordingly,  they  voted 
250,000  guilders  to  the  West  India  Company  j  and  adopted  several 
regulations  for  encouraging  the  importatbn  of  negroes  into  their 
Golonies.t  They  were  indeed  limited  to  the  term  of  six  years ;  but 
God  prescribed  nearly  the  same  limitation  to  the  commerce,  the  li- 
berty and  independency  of  Holland.  » 

Portugal  also,  there  is  reason  to  believe,  was  rapidly  increadng 
her  slave  trade  at  the  time  of  the  French  revOlution«...With  her, 
however,  it  was  not,  as  with  the  other  powers,  occasioned  by  a  sys- 
tematic change  in  her  laws;  or  by  the  direct  subornation  of  the  go- 
vernment.—In  her  share  of  the  scourge,  she  has  been  hitherto 
.equally  distinguished  from  them.  * 

Thus  cruelly  did  the  great  commercial  nations  of  Europe,  all  at 
the  same  ara,  resolve  to  extend  the  desolation,  the  miseries  and 
crimes  of  Africa|to  the  utmostof  their  power.  Already  they  dragged 
away  every  year  74,000|  of  her  unhappy  children;  and  a  great  part 

■    *  Privy  Council  Report  onlie  Slave  Trade,  part  6.  Tide  Spain. 
J-  Same  report,  and  part.   Title  Holland. 
^  Edwaid's  W.  Indies,  vor.  ij,  p.  58; 


# 


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199 

of  her  com  becran  to  be  almnat  rlPs^itnt-A  nf  ;nk»u;*»»i- .  „..*i,._4_-^ 
tiable  tormentors  were  determined  to  drain  the  vein*  of  her  popula 
Uon  sUU  more  copiously,  and  to  obtain  fuller  meab  for  their  avarice, 
though  they  should  reduce  her  to  a  desert.    But  the  eye  of  the  Al- 
mighty was  over  them;  and  to  avenge  devoted  Africa  at  least,  if  not 
to  save  her,  he  dropped  down  among  them  the  French  revolution. 

Surely  it  was  a  strange  coincidence  of  events,  that  so  many  f»if. 
fercnt  nations  should  at  the  aame  »ra,  offer  new  and  extreme  provo- 
cation to  divine  justice,  by  the  same  species  of  iniquity,  though  wUh- 
out  any  mutual  concert;  and  that  each  of  them  should  immediately 
after  be  involved,  by  the  same  cause,  in  new  and  extreme  calamities. 
But  when  we  regard  the  unforeseen  and  wonderful  origin  of  all  those 
calamities,  the  revoludon  of  France,  the  coincidence  beeomes  still 
more  extraordinary.  Induced,  by  a  common  teraptsiion,  the  lucra^ 
tive  oppression  of  the  African  race,  many  nations  start  together  in  a 
new  race  of  guilt:  a  strange  source  of  unprecedented  evil  imme- 
diately  bursts  forth,  and  suddenly  overwhelms  them  all.  A  cruel 
and  unUmited  slavery,  is  the  subject  of  their  crimes:  a  lawless  and 
ferocious  liberty,  is  made  their  common  scourge.  .Not  only  France, 
but  Europe,  becomes  almost  a  second  Africa.  Order,  security,  pubr 
lie  morals,  the  sacred  principles  which  mitigate  the  horrors  of  war, 
and  regulate  the  intercourse  of  nations,  have  vanished,  or  are  beginr 

ning  to  vanish,  from  this  civilized  quarter  of  the  globe rThe 

public  law  of  the  slave  coast  may  soon  be  upon  a  level  with  that  of 
poUshed  Europe;  and  *he  persons  of  individuals,  lilje  theii;  property, 
become  the  spoil  of  predatory  war,  in  these  once  happy  regions,,-. 
Already,  if  recent  intelligence  from  Hamburgh  may  be  credited, 
Buonaparte  takes  credit  for  great  moderadon,  in  not  selling  his  cap* 
'  tives  into  slavery;  and  intimates  that  London  will  not  be  treated  sq 
mercifully  in  that  respect,  as  Vienna  and  Berlin. 

It  must  be  quite  unnecessary,  with  every  considerate  reader,  to 
prove  that  France  herself  has  had  her  full  share  of  the  sufferings, 
which  she  has  been  made  the  instrument  of  inflicting.^Of  all  the 
offending  nations,  her  lot  has  been  perhaps  the  most  deplorable. 
Her  glorjb  is  like  the  light  of  a  conflagration;  a  lustre  fed  by  ruin, 
misery  and  death,  in  the  mansion  to  which  it  belongs. 

While  so  many  naiions  have  been  sustaining  ektraordinary  evils, 
has  not  the  hand  of  providence  distinguished  some  portion  of  the 
earth  with  blessings  equally  unusual  ?— ,It  has,  ijt  us  turn  our  eyes 
to  th$  nsin^  Wcsici  u  eiupire,  and  we  w|aii  see  a  people,  whose  tor- 
tunes  furnish  a  striking  contrast  to  the  calamities  of  European  coun*- 
tries.    As  the  autumnal  storm,  while  it  grips  the  grove  of.  \i%  lefiVe^ 


# 


14ft 

afill  tiys  prottrate  some  of  its  more  ancient  tronki,  fkfbvMhe  younf 
and  hardy  pine,  by  opening  to  itft  aspiring  point  and  expanding  bMe, 
a  freer  course^  and  more  copkms  sunshine ;  bo  have  those  revolution- 
fry  tempests  which  have  laid  waMe  the  ancient  /eatms  of  Europe, 
given  an  accelerated  growth  to  the  United  States  of  America,  both 
in  their  strength  and  statcire.  Population,  agricuhnre,  commerce, 
maritime  power,  how  rapidly  have  they  all  increased  in  that  coun- 
try, since  the  revolution  of  France ! .  A  new  and  vast  domain  also 
has  been  acquired,  at  the  expense  of  the  Spanish  empire.  With 
such  prodigious  rapidity  has  the  navigation  of  the  United  States  in- 
creased, that  they  promise  soon  to  win  from  Europe,  the  trident  at 
least,  if  not  the  sceptre,  of  the  western  world. 

Now,  let  it  be  well  observed,  that  the  United  States  have  alone, 
of  all  the  nations  of  the  earth,  during  the  same  period,  done  much  to 
redeem  themselves  from  those  sins  to  which  I  chiefly  ascribe  the  ca- 
lamities of  Europe.  Indeed,  their  government  and  legislature,  with 
whom  the  corporate  responsibility  in  every  country  chiefly  rests, 
have  done  all  that  was  in  their  immediate  power;  while  every  state 
in  the  union  but  one,  hM  long  since  finally  delivered  itself  from  the 
guilt  of  the  African  slave  trade. 

Il  is  truly  honourable  to  the  president  and  the  congress,  to  find 
by  intelligence  recently  arrived,  that  the  former  has  oflicially  con- 
gtatulated  the  latter,  on  the  near  approach  of  a  period  when  they 
Ifill  possess  the  constitutional  power  of  giving  a  final  blow  to  that 
hated  commerce.  That  the  power  will  be  exercised,  immediately 
after  it  vests  in  the  general  legislature,  has  been  long  beyond  a 
doubt;  and  though  the  first  of  January,  1808,  is  now  at  no  great  dis- 
tance, the  president  suggests  a  mean  of  accelerating  the  effect  of  the 
intended  law,  by  a  previous  notice,  which  ma/  prevent  the  Inchoa- 
tion  of  voyages  in  the  present  year,  to  be  terminated  in  the  next. 

I  Chink  my  country  has  cause  to  complain  of  America ;  and  am 
not  sure  that  the  amicable  arrangements  lately  made,  are  of  a  kind  to 
reconcile  with  her  pretensions,  our  most  essential  belligerent  rights. 
But  while  she  acts,  in  relation  to  the  most  helpless  and  injured  of  the 
human  race,  upon  such  righteous  and  liberal  principles,  it  is  impos- 
sible to  refuse  her  our  esteem  ;  or  to  grudge  any  sacrifice  for  the 
sake  of  her  friendship  that  self-preservation  may  permit.  I  trust 
that  a  nation  which  thus  honourably  respects  the  sacred  rights  of 
humanity  and  justice,  will  not  long  persevere  in  a  line  of  conduct 
nHivii  iiiuiiaicis  lu  ific  pcSuiciii  aiiibiiiuii  of  r  ranee,  and  abridges  the 
only  remaining  hope  of  liberty  in  Europe.  Indeed,  the  late  out- 
rageous and  preposterous  measures  of  Napoleon,  till  probably  s«. 


penede  JP^uestbnR  that  have  UtelV  subsisted  between  this  countr; 
and  the  neutral  powers;  by  the  new  and  undeniable  rights  which  re- 
sult to  us  from  such  conduct  ir  the  enemy.  May  the  harmony  be- 
tween England  and  America  be  settled  on  the  firmest  foundations  j 
ami  among  the  many  sympathies  which  ought  to  hind  us  to  each 
other»  may  we  soon  have  to  add  a  mutual  abhorrence,  and  conrefi^ 
tional  renunciation  of  the  slave  trade  ! 

But  while  America,  has  thus  honourably  distinguished  herself 
from  other  commercial  nations,  and  has  been  equally  distinguished 
by  her  singular  prosperity  in  the  present  disustrous  t^mes,  there  is 
one  coimtry,  I  ccmfe&s,  which  hitherto  but  imperfectly  cenfirms,  on 
a  comparative  view  of  her  fortunes,  the  hypothesis  I  aim  to  sfktablish. 

That  country,  alas !  is  Great  Britain.^ We  have  suffered  enough 
to  evince  that  we  have  incurred  the  disfavour  of  heaven  •,  but  other 
nations  less  guUty,  in  regard  to  the  slave-trade  at  k  Jiave  been 
visited  more  severely.  We  have  in  truth,  exceeded  iit  this  respect 
all  their  united  provocations.  Our  offences  against  the  helpless 
Africans,  have  been  far  greater  in  amount;  and  against  God,  we 
have  smned  more  deeply  than  others,  by  all  the  wide  difference  be- 
tween our  national  blessings  and  theirs.  Our  share  of  the  crime  is 
also  pre-eminent,  through  that  pecuUar  knowledge  of  its  dete^£d)le 
nature,  which  we  have  lately  acquired.  I  fear  it  may  even  be  added, 
that  the  perseverance  of  other  nations  in  their  iniquity,  is  fairly  im- 
putable to  England ;  as  being  a  natural  effect  of  our  example,  after 
our  deliberate  examination  of  the  case. 

But  England,  though  severely  chastised,  is  ijot  yet,  like  some  of 
her  fellow  sinners,  cast  down  or  destroyed;  and  if  the  dangers  of 
the  country  had  finally  subsided,  this  J  admit,  would  bo  some  appa- 
rent drawback  on  the  force  of  the  reasons  tiiatl^ave  been  offered  for 
ascribing  our  public  calamities  to  the  slave-trade. 

But  here  it  is,  that  I  find  by  far  the  most  alantiing  view  of  this 
truly  awful  subject.  Let  the  sad  prospects  opened  in  the  first  divi- 
sion of  this  work,  be  fairiy  contemplated ;  and  then  let  it  be  remem- 
bered, that  the  very  country  whose  fate  would  demonstrably,  in  the 
event  of  its  subjugation  1^  France,  be  the  roost  terrible  that  ever 
awaited  a  nation,  is  the  same  which  has  most  highly  provoked  t'le 
avenging  justice  of  God.— Nor  let  us  harden  ourselves  on  account  of 
an7  seemingly  auspicious  change  in  the  course  of  events,  or  the  pros- 
pect of  new  confederacies.  «  Though  hand  jgin  in  hand,  the  wicked 
an«ii  iiui  pass  unpunished." 

At  the  present  moment  there  h  another  consideration  which  fills 
jne  with  the  naist  painful  anxiety ;  and  w'lich  urges  me  here  to  con- 


4 


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142 


,  elude  this  work  imperfect  though  it  is,  that  I  may  no  l(%er  ivith- 
hold  from  my  country  a  £eeblc  but  seasonable  wamiDg.  In  a  few 
days,  or  weeks,  parliament  will  have  to  decide,  whether  it  shall  re- 
deem the  soleraji  pledge  which  it  has  recently  given,  for  the  excisicm 
of  this  dreadful  traffic,  or  whether  by  a  new  apostacy,  worse  by  far 
than  any  former  provocation  of  the  same  kind,  it  shall  fill  up  the 
measure  of  oi.r  iniquities,  and  draw  down,  upon  us,  perhaps,  a 
speedy  and  signal  vengeance. 

I  have  tooldgh  an  opinion  of  the  dignity,  as  well  as  the  moral 
feelings  of  the  British  legislature,  to  regard  so  opprobrious  a  relaps* 
as  a  very  probs^le  event.  But  when  I  advert  to  the  long  and  sad 
experience  which  we  have  had  of  the  fate  of  si»ch  questions  in  par- 
liament; when  I  remember  the  assiduous  opposition,  and  the  still 
more  fatal  apathy,  by  which  the  fairest  expectations  of  the  fliends  of 
the  oppressed  Africans,  have  been  repeatedly  ruined;  my  hopes  are 
mingled,  I  own,  with  much  uneasiness  and  fear. 

May  God,  in  whose  hands  are  tlie  hearts  of  all  men,  incline  those 
who,  under  his  permission,  are  our  lawgivers,  to  deliver  us  at  length, 

without  delay,  from  the  guilt  of  innocent  blood ! Then  only  shall 

I  hope  that  the  wisest  measures  of  defence  will  be  truly  efficacious ; 
then  only  will  solid  peace  and  security  put  an  end  to  the  d^gers  of 
the  country. 


#f 


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THE   £NI>. 


PRINTED  BY  HOBERT  CARB. 

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